American Chronicle : Oppressed South Azeris, Aramaeans, Baluch, Loris, Turkmen, Qashqai to Secede from Iran. AI Report

Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis

in twenty one earlier articles, I republished the preliminary parts and 15 Africa-focused chapters of the 2010 Annual Report which was released a few days ago by the leading humanitarian NGO Amnesty International. Titles of and links to these articles are available in the latest of the series: Amnesty International 2010 Report. Chapter on Nigeria (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160659) Continuing the selected republication of chapters, I focused on overviews and chapters portraits of Asiatic countries, starting with the following: Saudi Arabia, a Hell on Earth to End, Not a Partner to the West.

Amnesty International 2010 Report (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160816) Amnesty International 2010 Report. Europe and Central Asia –Regional Overview (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160842) Amnesty International 2010 Report. Asia Pacific – Regional Overview (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160850) Syria. Pan-Arabist Tyranny, Hell for Aramaeans, Sunnis, Kurmanjis. Amnesty International Report 2010 (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160867) Jordan.

A Pseudo-monarchy Geared to Host Victims of Israel´s Fabrication. Amnesty Int´l Report (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160872) AI 2010 Report. Biased Chapter on Iraq, Oblivious of Turkmen, Aramaeans, Shabak, Failis, Ahl-e Haq http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/160901 In forthcoming articles, I will republish further Asia-focused chapters of the Report, highlighting omissions, oversights and cases of unbalanced presentation.

In the present article, I republish the chapter on Iran. The chapter is not comprehensive but it gives a summarized impression of the chaotic situation in which the Ayatullah kleptocrats find themselves. Islamic Republic of Iran - Profile Head of state: Leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Ayatollah Sayed ´Ali Khamenei Head of government: President: Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad Death penalty: retentionist Population: 74.2 million Life expectancy: 71.2 years Under-5 mortality (m/f): 33/35 per 1,000 Adult literacy: 82.3 per cent An intensified clampdown on political protest preceded and, particularly, followed the presidential election in June, whose outcome was widely disputed, deepening the long-standing patterns of repression.

The security forces, notably the paramilitary Basij, used excessive force against demonstrators; dozens of people were killed or fatally injured. The authorities suppressed freedom of expression to an unprecedented level, blocking mobile and terrestrial phone networks and internet communications. Well over 5,000 people had been detained by the end of the year. Many were tortured, including some who were alleged to have been raped in detention, or otherwise ill-treated. Some died from their injuries. Dozens were then prosecuted in grossly unfair mass "show trials". Most were sentenced to prison terms but at least six were sentenced to death.

The election-related violations occurred against a background of severe repression, which persisted throughout 2009 and whose victims included members of ethnic and religious minorities students, human rights defenders and advocates of political reform. Women continued to face sever discrimination under the law and in practice, and women´s rights campaigners were harassed, arrested and imprisoned. Torture and other ill-treatment of detainees remained rife and at least 12 people died in custody. Detainees were systematically denied access to lawyers, medical care and their families and many faced unfair trials. Iran remained one of the states with the highest rates of execution and one of very few still to execute juvenile offenders: at leas 388 people were executed, including one by stoning and at least five juveniles.

Background International tension persisted over Iran´s nuclear enrichment programme. In March the UN Security Council voted to extend economic and political sanctions. In September, the government revealed the existence of a hitherto unknown enrichment facility. Iran continued to host almost 1 million refugees, mostly from Afghanistan. They had limited access to social services and education. Presidential election – widespread abuses The authorities intensified their crackdown on critics and opponents of the government in the months preceding the 12 June presidential election, in which the incumbent, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was officially declared the winner. Only three of the 474 other applicants were permitted to stand. Mass protests broke out in response to the official result, declared on 13 June, with hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets.

Security forces, notably the paramilitary Basij, were deployed to suppress the protests by force, particularly after the Supreme Leader ordered an end to demonstrations on 19 June. However, protests continued to the end of the year on significant days such as the religious festival of Ashoura on 27 December. The authorities disrupted mobile phone and internet communications, including social networking sites, to prevent information circulating. They prevented foreign journalists from covering demonstrations, expelling some, and security officials controlled the content of newspapers. Security forces raided university campuses, injuring students. The authorities accused the US and UK governments of organizing the unrest, which those governments denied. All three defeated candidates alleged election fraud and complained to the body responsible for administering the election.

It carried out a partial re-count but largely rejected the candidates´ complaints. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was sworn in for a second term on 5 August. Unlawful killings The Basij and other security forces used excessive force against demonstrators, beating them with batons and riding motorcycles into them to cause injury. The authorities said 43 died in the protests but opposition sources said the true total was likely to be over 100. Hundreds were injured. Neda Agha Soltan, aged 27, was shot dead in a Tehran street on 20 June during a demonstration. Her dying moments were filmed. The perpetrator was identified as a member of the Basij but the authorities claimed that British and US news media had caused her death. Neda Agha Soltan´s family and other mourners were harassed and intimidated by security officials when commemorating her life. Arrests and detentions Well over 5,000 people were detained after the election by the end of the year, including opposition politicians, journalists, academics, students, lawyers, human rights activists and army officers.

Those with dual nationality or links to the USA or UK were also targeted. Some were arrested at demonstrations; others at their home or workplace; and some, who were injured, from hospital. Most, if not all, were denied access to legal representation. Many were denied access to their families and to medical care. Hundreds of those arrested were freed within days or weeks, but scores were charged with vaguely worded offences, such as fomenting a "velvet revolution" or committing "acts against national security", and prosecuted in "show trials". Mohammad Ali Abtahi, Mohsen Aminzadeh, Said Hajjarian and at least four other political leaders were detained days after the election.

All were prisoners of conscience. Said Hajjarian was released on bail in October and Mohammad Ali Abtahi in November. Mohsen Aminzadeh remained in custody at the end of the year. Rape and other torture Some detainees were taken to the Kahrizak detention centre, south of Tehran, where they were tortured and otherwise ill-treated. Kahrizak quickly became so notorious for abuse that the Supreme Leader ordered its closure in July. By the end of the year, 12 officials were facing trial before a military court for abuses, including three for murder. Compelling evidence emerged that a number of detainees, both women and men, had been raped and otherwise tortured in detention, but instead of investigating allegations thoroughly, the authorities were quick to deny them and then harassed the victims and closed the offices of a committee collecting victims´ testimonies.

Ebrahim Sharifi, a student aged 24, testified that security officials raped him, beat him severely and subjected him to mock execution in the week following his arrest on 22 June. He tried to file a judicial complaint but went into hiding after he and his family were threatened by security officials. On 13 September a judicial panel dismissed his allegation of rape and accused him of fabricating it for political reasons and he fled Iran. Mohsen Ruholamini, the son of an aide to presidential candidate Mohsen Rezaei, died on 23 July after about two weeks in Kahrizak. A coroner´s report found he had suffered a heart attack and internal bleeding and had been hit repeatedly with a hard object. Unfair trials Mass "show trials" involving scores of detainees were staged in successive sessions beginning in August. The trials were grossly unfair. Most, if not all, defendants were denied access to lawyers. Most had been detained incommunicado for several weeks and many were reported to have been tortured or otherwise ill-treated before being brought to court. The trials were closed but excerpts broadcast on state television showed defendants making what appeared to be coerced "confessions". More than 80 were convicted and sentenced to prison terms of up to 15 years; at least six others were sentenced to death.

Human rights defenders

Human rights defenders, including minority and women´s rights activists, lawyers and trade unionists, continued to face arbitrary arrest, harassment, prosecution and unfair trials throughout the year. Some were banned from traveling abroad.

In April, five leaders of the Haft Tapeh Sugar Cane Company Trade Union were sentenced to up to six months´ imprisonment for "propaganda against the system" for criticizing conditions at their workplace when they were interviewed by foreign journalists in 2008. They began serving their sentences in November after they were upheld on appeal.

Five members of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters were arrested in December and others were sought by intelligence officials.

Discrimination against women

Women continued to face discrimination in law, despite some minor improvements. Women´s rights campaigners, including those active in the "One Million Signatures" campaign to end legal discrimination, were harassed, detained, prosecuted and banned from traveling for collecting signatures in support of their petition.

On 1 February, Alieh Eghdam-Doust, a member of the Campaign for Equality, began a three-year prison sentence imposed for participating in a peaceful demonstration. She was among many women arrested during a protest in June 2006 against discriminatory laws, and the first to begin serving a prison sentence.

Freedom of expression and association

The authorities blocked websites voicing criticism, notably those of Iranian bloggers, and periodically blocked those of foreign news media reporting on Iran.

In April, they warned SMS users that messages were "controlled" by a new "internet crimes" law introduced in January. They also shut down or maintained bans on tens of journals, magazines and other print media, targeted critical journalists and infiltrated and undermined independent civil society groups, such as the Society of Esfahan Human Rights Supporters. Hundreds of students faced education bans for campus activism.

Four students at Tehran´s Amir Kabir University were arrested at their homes on 24 February for participating in a peaceful demonstration the previous day against the government´s decision to bury soldiers´ remains on the campus, and so facilitate unrestricted access to the campus by the Basij and other security forces. Other students were also arrested; all had been released uncharged by July.

Roxana Saberi, a journalist with joint US-Iranian nationality, was convicted of "collaborating with a hostile state" in a closed trial before Tehran´s Revolutionary Court on 18 April following her arrest on 31 January. She was sentenced to eight years in prison, but this was reduced to a suspended two-year term following local and international criticism. She was released on 12 May and allowed to leave the country.

Two brothers, Arash and Kamiar Alaei, both medical doctors active in the field of HIV/AIDS treatment and prevention, were sentenced in January to six and three years´ imprisonment respectively for "co-operating with an enemy government". They had been tried before a closed court on 31 December 2008. They were neither told the charges or evidence against them nor permitted by the court to call or examine witnesses. Both men were prisoners of conscience, imprisoned on account of their medical work with US and other international medical institutions.

Discrimination

Ethnic minorities

Members of Iran´s ethnic minorities continued to face discrimination along with harassment and imprisonment for advocating greater respect for social and cultural rights, including the right to mother tongue education. In June, the government announced that it would allow some higher education in regional languages.

Members of the Ahwazi Arab and Azerbaijani minorities were subject to continuing repression. Members of the small Sunni Azerbaijani minority were arrested in February when they protested against cuts in water supplies. Members of the Kurdish minority suspected of belonging to banned armed opposition groups were arrested and imprisoned. Some were sentenced to death and at least one was executed possibly in reprisal for a spate of attacks on officials in Kordestan province in September. In Sistan-Baluchistan province, home to the mostly Sunni Muslim Baluch minority, violence intensified amid increasing clashes between the security forces and members of the People´s Resistance Movement of Iran (PRMI), an armed political group also known as Jondallah. On 18 October, at least 42 people, including senior Revolutionary Guards officers and civilians, were killed in an attack claimed by the PRMI.

On 30 May, two days after a PRMI bomb attack on a mosque in Zahedan killed at least 25 people, three men were publicly executed near the mosque for allegedly smuggling the explosives into Iran; all three had been in prison accused of other bombings when the attack happened.

Religious minorities

Members of religious minorities, including some not recognized by the government, continued to suffer discrimination, harassment, arbitrary arrest and damage to community property. Among those targeted were Sunni Muslim clerics; Shi´a clerics advocating the separation of the state from religion; members of the Dervish and Ahl-e Haqq communities; members of a philosophical association called Al-e Yasin; Christians; and members of the Baha´i community, who remained unable to access higher education. Converts from Islam were at risk of attack as well as prosecution for "apostasy", which is punishable by death.

Maryam Rostampour and Marzieh Amirizadeh Esmaeilabad, both Christian converts, were arrested on 5 March in Tehran for handing out Bibles and participating in religious gatherings. Both were prisoners of conscience. Released in November after acquittal in October of "acting against state security" by a Revolutionary Court, they continued to face charge of "apostasy" and "proselytizing" in a General Court.

Seven Baha´is, two women and five men, who were arrested in March and May 2008, remained held without trial in Evin Prison in Tehran. All faced charges of spying for Israel and "insulting religious sanctities and propaganda against the system". In May their families were told that they had also been charged with "corruption on earth", which can be punished by death.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Torture and other ill-treatment in pre-trial detention remained common, facilitated by the routine denial of access to lawyers by detainees and impunity for officials who perpetrate violations. Methods reported included severe beatings; confinement in tiny spaces; deprivation of light, food and water; and systematic denial of medical treatment. At least 12 people were believed to have died in custody in 2009 apparently as a result of ill-treatment or lack of adequate medical care. No investigations into any torture allegations were reported, except at Kahrizak.

Cruel, inhuman and degrading punishments

Sentences of flogging and judicial amputation were imposed and carried out. In February, the Supreme Court upheld a sentence in which acid would be dropped into the eyes of a man who had blinded a woman with the same liquid.

Death penalty

Iran maintained one of the highest rates of execution globally. At least 388 people were executed, including one man who was stoned to death and at least five juvenile offenders sentenced for crimes committed when they were aged under 18. At least 14 were executed in public. The actual totals were believed to be higher.

The rate of reported executions rose sharply during the unrest between the presidential election on 12 June and the inauguration on 5 August – 112 executions were recorded, an average of more than two a day. The authorities carried out mass executions in January, March, July and August, during which a total of 77 people were executed. At least 11 people sentenced to die by stoning and at least 136 juvenile offenders remained on death row at the end of the year.

Delara Darabi, a 22-year-old woman convicted of a crime she allegedly committed when aged 17, was executed on 1 May despite a two-month stay ordered by the Head of the Judiciary.

Amnesty International visits/reports

The authorities continued to deny access to Amnesty International. The organization has not been permitted to visit the country to research human rights since shortly after the Iranian Revolution in 1979.

Iran: Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review (MDE 13 / 009 / 2009)

Human rights in the spotlight on the 30th anniversary of the Islamic revolution (MDE 13/010/2009)

Iran: Election amid repression of dissent and unrest (MDE 13/053/2009)

Iran: Election contested, repression compounded (MDE 13/123/2009)

AFP : Iran still holding hundreds from poll protests: Amnesty

LONDON — Human rights group Amnesty International called on Iran on Wednesday to release or try on genuinely criminal charges hundreds of detainees still being held one year after a disputed presidential election sparked a wave of mass protests.

The London-based watchdog accused the Iranian authorities of unleashing a "campaign of fear" to crush popular opposition to the re-election of hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in a vote his main challengers reject as "fraudulent".

"The Iranian government is determined to silence all dissenting voices, while at the same time trying to avoid all scrutiny by the international community into the violations connected to the post-election unrest," Amnesty's interim secretary general, Claudio Cordone, said.

"The government has taken the absurd stand that virtually no violations have occurred in Iran," he said.

"What we are calling for is very simple -- the immediate and unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and for others to be tried promptly on recognisably criminal offences, without recourse to the death penalty, in proceedings which fully meet international standards for a fair trial."

Amnesty said that hundreds of people remained in custody for their part in the protests of June 2009 or for otherwise expressing dissenting views.

It said that the imprisonment of ordinary citizens had become an everyday phenomenon in an expanding revolving door system of arbitrary arrest and detention.

"The Iranian authorities must end this campaign of fear that aims to crush even the slightest opposition to the government," Cordone said.

"They are continuing to use the death penalty as a tool of repression, right up to the eve of the anniversary of the election.

"The Iranian authorities blame everyone but themselves for the unrest but they are failing to show any respect for their own laws which prohibit the torture and other ill-treatment of all detainees," he added.

Iran has one of the highest execution rates in the world. Amnesty said it had already recorded more than 115 this year.

Murder, rape, armed robbery, drug trafficking and adultery are all punishable by death in Iran.

Leader of Sunni rebel group goes on trial in Iran

TEHRAN (Reuters) - The leader of a Sunni Muslim rebel group, behind some of the deadliest bomb attacks in the Islamic Republic in years, went on trial in Tehran on Thursday, the official IRNA news agency reported.

Predominantly Shi'ite Muslim Iran seized Abdolmalek Rigi in February, four months after his Jundollah (God's soldiers) group claimed a bombing which killed dozens of people, including senior officers of the elite Revolutionary Guards.

"At the trial...the prosecutor's representative accused Rigi of moharebeh (waging war against God) and being corrupt on the earth," IRNA reported. Under Iran's Islamic Sharia law, if convicted, both charges are punishable by death.

"The prosecutor's representative asked for maximum punishment for Rigi and pointed to his involvement in 79 criminal acts, especially the killing of tens of innocent people," IRNA reported, adding that the families of some of the victims were present in court.

It said Rigi "confirmed his crimes" and asked for forgiveness.

Abdolhamid Rigi, a brother of Abdolmalek and a Jundollah member, was executed in the southeastern city of Zahedan on Monday after he was charged with bombing operations, armed robbery and drug trafficking.

Iranian officials say Jundollah has links to Sunni Islamist al Qaeda and support from Pakistan, Britain and the United States. The three countries deny backing it.

Many minority Sunnis live in Sistan-Baluchestan, an impoverished area in southeast Iran, near Pakistan and Afghanistan, where there has been an increase in recent years in bombings and clashes between security forces, ethnic Baluch Sunni insurgents and drug traffickers.

Iranian officials say security and economic activity have improved in the region since the Jundollah leader's arrest.

Iran hanged 13 Jundollah members in July last year and one in November in connection with various killings and attacks.

Iran, a major oil producer locked in dispute with the United States and its allies over its nuclear programme, rejects allegations by Western rights groups that it discriminates against ethnic and religious minorities.

(Editing by Diana Abdallah)

RFE/RL : Fate Of Bodies Of Executed Iranian Prisoners Still Unclear

June 08, 2010

A month after the execution in Tehran of five imprisoned activists, a lawyer involved in the case has told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda that he still does not know what has been done with their bodies.

Farzad Kamangar, Shirin Alam Hooli, Farhad Vakili, Ali Heydarian, and Mehdi Eslamian were hanged on May 9 at Tehran's Evin Prison for alleged links to terrorist groups. All but one were Kurdish activists.

On June 2, the governor of Iran's Kurdistan Province, Esmaeel Najar, told the families that the five bodies have been buried. The governor would not reveal the place of the burial for what he said were "security reasons."

But lawyer Khalil Bahramian, who represented Kurdish teacher Kamangar, told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda it is still not clear if the authorities have actually buried the bodies.

"If they have buried them, why didn't they inform us earlier?" Bahramian said. "If they haven't, why are they still keeping them?"

Despite continual requests, the authorities had previously refused to hand over the bodies of the executed prisoners to their families.

Bahramian said that denying parents access to their children's bodies is inhuman.

"Now that they have killed their children, why don't they give their bodies to their families?" Bahramian asked.

Bahramian said the execution of the five prisoners violated the law. He also complained about the secrecy in the handling of the case.

He said the authorities had not notified the families about the executions beforehand, nor did they inform them that they were going to bury the bodies.

Sunni News : Iran: Government Bans Sunnis from Praying in State Universities

By Khaled Mahmoud

Cairo, Asharq Al-Awsat- the Iranian government issued on 27/04/2010 a decision banning Sunni Muslims from praying at state universities and military camps, Asharq Al-Awsat has learnt. This decision comes within the framework of pressurizing the Sunni community in Iran, which has been taking place for decades.

This ban, which was confirmed by Sunni sources in Tehran, came after Sunni Muslims were banned from holding communal Friday prayers services in their homes in cities like Isfahan, Shiraz, Kerman, and Yazd.

Sheikh Abdul-Hamid Esmaeel Zahi, the highest authority for Sunni Muslims in Iran and the imam and preacher of the Makki Mosque, the largest Sunni mosque in Iran located in the city of Zahedan, expressed his sorrow at the ban. He said, "We are very sorry that some elements have come forward to ban Friday prayers from being held in the home and placed restrictions on this practice. This group is ideologically deviant and they truly have a narrow outlook and are overly sensitive with regards to [Sunni] mosques and schools and advocacy."

Sheikh Zahi criticized this decision, stating that the Iranian constitution does not prevent any religious group from practicing its faith, regardless of its sect. He added, “There should not be a ban on performing prayers, rather everybody should be invited to perform prayers, and we hope that all Sunnis and Shia take the initiative to perform this obligation that is the most important pillar of Islam after belief in the oneness of God."

Sheikh Zahi considered the objection of officials to the construction of mosques, schools, and religious centers for Iran's Sunni community to be completely contrary to the principles of Iran's Islamic government. He said, "There are some [Sunni majority] villages where only one Shia family lives, and the government builds a [Shia] mosque. However the problem is that they do not allow us to build mosques or religious schools in large cities that are home to large Sunni communities."

He added that the officials who object to Sunnis praying at university do not have religion or any knowledge of God. Sheikh Zahi said that somebody who hates to pray behind or beside somebody from a different Muslim sect is showing signs of extreme ignorance.

Sheikh Zahi said, "I call on the country's officials and the Supreme Leader…to grant the freedom to pray in every place, which is the least right granted to us in the constitution, and that is the freedom to conduct communal and Friday prayers."

He stressed that the most important concern for the Sunni community in Iran is the issue of jurisprudence, saying "we do not feel that there is a problem with regards to the constitution, however there is despotism from some extremist elements in some regions that have Sunni minorities, and this is something that concerns us."

Sheikh Zahi added, "The representative of the Supreme Leader has banned the Sunni community from conducting Friday prayers in a number of [Iranian] cities, however the Sunni community in this city – even if it is a minority – wants to perform Friday prayers, however the Supreme Leader's representative rejected this saying 'let them follow my example [of praying in the Shia way] in their prayers.'"

Sheikh Zahi has denounced such negative practices, and asked what law – national or Islamic – is able to take away the rights of Sunni Muslims to perform independent communal Friday prayers in any area of the country?

UNPO : Southern Azerbaijan: Activist Aydin Khajei Sentenced to 10 Years

Monday, 07 June 2010

Aydin Khajei, Azerbaijan Student Movement (AZOH) activist is sentenced to 10 years by Judge Hashemzadeh of the Tabriz revolutionary court

Below is an article published by SANAM:

Le us recap that Aydin Khajei, a peaceful Azerbaijan Student Movement (AZOH) activist was arrested in his university campus (Tabriz University) by the Ettelaat before the anniversary of the May 22, 2006 events (S. Azerbaijan national uprising day).

His arrest in May 2010 is just only one of dozens of arrests imposed by the Ettelaat against the peaceful S. Azerbaijani Turkish human rights and other activist in cultural-social fields.

His family was told by judge Hashemzadeh that, Aydin would stay in prison at least 6 years, and if he did not realize the situation (accept the Persian dominance) he would stay another 4 years behind bars.

Aydin Khajei was reported saying under torture that “I will not accept what you tell me until I have tought you humanitarian lessons”.

SANAM condemns the undemocratic and dictatorial actions and policies of the Persian Iranian Islamic regime and asks international community to hear the voices of the arrested S. Azerbaijani Turks who are willing to put their life at risk for the cause of democracy and the gaining of the most basic human rights for 35 million S. Azerbaijani Turks living in the ‘country called Iran’.

Catholic.Net : Catholics in Iran: A Community at Risk of Extinction?

ROME, MAY 31, 2010 (Zenit.org).- As Christians flee in great numbers from Iran, for both political and religious reasons, the country's Christian community is at real risk of extinction, says journalist and observer of Middle Eastern Churches, Camille Eid.

The journalist spoke with the television program "Where God Weeps" of the Catholic Radio and Television Network (CRTN) in cooperation with Aid to the Church in Need. In the interview, she explains what life is like for a Christian living in Iran.

Q: Iran is over 99% Muslim and Islam is the state religion. Camille, the Church’s roots in Iran are very old going back to the second century. Is Christianity the oldest religion in Iran?

Eid: No, we have two older communities older than Christianity. First we have the Zoroastrian community which goes back centuries before the arrival of Christianity and Islam. Second, we have the Jewish community.

The Zoroastrian community consists of about 20,000 people and the Jewish between 20,000 and 35,000. These two communities are older than the Christian community.

Q: Today, Iran is over 99% Muslim. How does Islam permeate daily life?

Eid: If you are on the streets of Tehran, or any part of the country, you will notice the portrait of the martyrs, the Ayatollah, the late Khomeini, the current Ayatollah Khamenei. If you use a phone on public telephone booth you will hear the voice of Imam Hussein telling you what to do.

Q: So if you pick up a phone immediately you will hear a (recorded) voice of the Imam?

Eid: Right, and in the schools, the Disciplines are permitted but through the perspective based on the Koran and Hadith and the other Islamic sciences.

Q: In fact, if I understand correctly, the picture of the Ayatollah is even on the cover of the catechism books?

Eid: Right and maybe it is a way to show that the Christians are under the protection of the regime and are considered dhimmis (protected people) in the Islamic Sharia. It is a way to say that you [Christians] are under our [Islamic] regime. Then you have the religious police.

Q: I was going to ask you about the modesty patrols that make sure that women are properly garbed.

Eid: Right. Sometimes they are hard liners, and sometimes not, depending on the regime. Under Khatami, for instance, they were a little bit liberal so girls could show a little bit of their heads. Under Ahmadinejad it is stricter.

Q: It is very strict now and back to the complete covering?

Eid: Yes and it should only be the face showing. Sometimes you have women who cover their hands and faces.

Q: Christians number about 100,000 in a population of 71 million. How are Christians viewed in Iran?

Eid: Christians are viewed as ethnic minorities because the Christians are predominantly Armenians, and Syro-Chaldeans. We have 80,000 Orthodox Armenians who are also called Gregorian or Apostolic Armenian, 5,000 Catholic Armenians, and around 20,000 Assyro-Chaldeans, plus other communities such as Latin, Protestants churches which, all together make up between 100,000 to 110,000. So they are seen as ethnic minorities and as such, they are not allowed to celebrate their Rites in Farsi, the official language of Iran. So they can’t celebrate the Holy Mass in Farsi but in Armenian or Chaldean.

Q: To distinguish them as foreign?

Eid: Not only that but to prevent them from being attractive and understood by the local Iranians.

Q: To prevent the Iranians from being attracted to the faith?

Eid: Right and to prevent them [Iranians] from understanding what they [Christians] are saying. There was a unique case; I was in Tehran a few days after the death of Pope John Paul II and the priest read the Scriptures in Farsi in the presence of the authorities. So this was an exceptional case.

Q: And yet, at the same time Parliament reserves three seats for Christians. So, on the face of it, Christians have a voice within the parliamentary structure?

Eid: In fact, the Islamic Republic has kept the Constitution of 1906 which reserves five seats for minorities -- three for Christians, one for Zoroastrians and the other for the Jews. You also notice that the Bahá’i, for instance, which is the largest non-Muslim, has no seat because they are considered heretics and not a religious community and therefore non-persons.

Q: So there is division between the Islamic communities?

Eid: If you can consider Bahá’i Islamic, I don’t know, because they are also monotheistic, but Islam does not consider any other monotheistic faith after Mohamed and they [Bahá’i] are considered heretics and that is all.

Q: Are the rights of Christians guaranteed by the Constitution?

Eid: No, it doesn’t mean that they are guaranteed in the Constitution.

Article 13 mentions that all Iranians are equal by race, by language but religion is not mentioned. In article 14; if you allow me to read it: “All these non-Muslim communities should abstain from taking part in conspiracies against Islam and the Islamic republic of Iran.” And the last one, article 19, states: “All Iranians whatever ethnic group they belong to enjoy the same rights and that color, race, or language does not offer any privilege.” Here too there is no reference to religion.

Q: But it does say, within article 13 of the Constitution that Christians are allowed to express their rights and engage in their faith?

Eid: Unless they do not take part in conspiracies against the Republic of Iran. What does it mean? Does it mean contesting the regime? The problem of Iran is that it is a theocratic regime. So the opposition to the regime as a political action could be interpreted as an action against the Islamic republic.

Within the Islamic community, you have the liberals and the conservatives. By contesting Ayatollah Khamenei are you contesting the political face of the regime or the religious? When you have the same face of the political and religious regime; an attack on the political face is considered an attack on the religious facet of the theocratic regime.

Q: What kind of other restrictions do Christians face in their daily life?

Eid: Well, in public administrations it is hard for Christians to find jobs. Even the directors of Christian schools are Muslims with one exception -- in Isfahan about two or four years ago when the government nominated an Armenian for the Armenian school. But in most cases the directors of Christian schools are Muslims -- to the few Christian schools that they [Christians] got back after confiscation in 1979 and 1980.

Another example is in the army; some years ago they discovered that an officer, a Colonel Hamid Pourmand, converted to Christianity. He was prosecuted and was court marshaled, but because of international pressure he was able to leave Iran. Over all it is very difficult for Christians to be in high government positions in Iran.

Q: What is the life for a Muslim convert?

Eid: One cannot declare one’s new faith inside Iran. It is only possible if one is able to go abroad. I know two Iranian families here in Italy who are converts. One of the families crossed the border between Iran and Turkey in winter. It was difficult and they were able to secure asylum. Inside Iran they cannot express or show their faith because they will face death. It is not easy.

Q: I want to touch on the question of the flight of the Christians from Iran after the 1979 Islamic revolution. About half of the Christian population left the country and there is, as far as I can read and understand about 10,000 families that leave Iran every year. What does this mean for the Christian community in Iran?

Eid: Let me say that the political pressure is upon both Non-Muslims and Muslims, but Christians are twice under pressure because you have the political facet of the regime that is questioned by the majority of the Iranian people and on top of that you have the religious pressure for the Non-Muslims, because they feel that their freedom is curtailed. That is why there is this massive flight and in fact there is a real risk of the disappearance, of an extinction of Christianity in Iran.

* * *

This interview was conducted by Mark Riedemann for "Where God Weeps," a weekly television and radio show produced by Catholic Radio and Television Network in conjunction with the international Catholic charity Aid to the Church in Need.

VOA: Religious Minorities In Iran

Baha'is in Iran routinely suffer because of their religion Dome of Light, Baha'i Temple, North of Chicago, Illinois, USA It's been more than two years since Iranian authorities arrested seven leaders of Iran's Baha'i community. The two women and five men have spent the ensuing months in Evin prison, reportedly under harsh conditions. In court hearings that lacked basic standards of justice, the seven were charged with a series of national security crimes, including espionage, which carries the death penalty.

Bani Dugal, Principal Representative of the Baha'i community to the United Nations, said, "In the three trial sessions that have so far taken place, no evidence has been provided whatsoever of wrongdoing – - making it all the more obvious that the prisoners are being held only because of their religious belief." Baha'is in Iran routinely suffer because of their religion.

They are denied a university education unless they recant their faith; they may not establish places of worship or schools; they are denied the right to inherit property; they are subject to arbitrary arrest and detention, and violent attacks on their homes or property take place with impunity. Since 1979, the Iranian government has reportedly executed more than 200 Baha'is.

The State Department Human Rights report notes that other minority religious groups are targeted by Iranian authorities as well. Sufi Muslims have faced increased repression in recent years: Gonabadi Dervishes have been arrested; several of their houses of worship destroyed. Sunni and Christian Iranians encounter societal and religious discrimination and harassment at the local, provincial and national levels; Iranian Jews face a hostile and threatening environment created in part by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's repeated speeches decrying the existence of Israel, and by hate-filled anti-Semitic programs broadcast on state-run television.

Marking the second anniversary of the imprisonment of the seven Baha'i leaders by the Iranian government, State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said in a written statement, "The United States is deeply concerned about the ongoing persecution of Baha'is and other religious minority communities in Iran." He strongly condemned the continued incarceration of the seven Baha'is as "a violation of due process" and called on Iran to meet its obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. "Once again, said Mr. Crowley, "we join the international community in urging Iran to uphold its obligations to protect the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all its citizens."

Slide Show: The living conditions of Iran’s Arab population

The living conditions of iran’s arab population

View more presentations from Iranian Minorities’ Human Rights Organisation (IMHRO).

The living conditions of Iran’s Arab population

By Loghman Ahmadi
March 11, 2010, 8:51 am

At the same time as the Islamic Republic of Iran sends millions of dollars to extremist Arab organizations in Lebanon, Palestine and Iraq the Arab population of Ahwaz in Iran suffers extreme poverty and discrimination.

The Islamic Republic of Iran portrays its self as the champion of Arab rights in all of the above-mentioned countries, but the Arab population of Iran faces discrimination and violence in all spheres of life. Every year hundreds of Arab-rights activists are imprisoned, tortured, raped and executed in Iran just because they raise their voices about the gross living conditions of Arabs in Iran.

The province of Khuzestan, which has an Arab majority, produces the majority of Iran’s oil, but none of the benefits of the oil reach the people living in the region. The Islamic Republic of Iran drains Khuzestan of its riches and systematically oppresses the Arab population, only to send its oil profits to Arab-extremists in other parts of the region.

This kind of policy is expected from the regime in Tehran, but what strikes Arabs in Iran as strange is that no Arab country or organization raises their plight or objects to Iran’s treatment of their kinsmen.

BBC: Azeris feel Iranian pressure

Members of Iran's Azeri minority have long complained that their rights are stifled. They make up a quarter of Iran's population, but claim the authorities are worried about an uprising by ethnic Azeris, as Tom Esslemont reports from the Azerbaijan-Iran border.

By 0900 the border between Azerbaijan and Iran is jammed.
Dozens of Azeri men and women with large plastic bags jostle to squeeze through a grey metal gate to passport control - and beyond that, Iran.

Border guards shout at them in an attempt to keep them in line. It fails.
For decades Azeris have crossed this fluid border to see family and friends on the other side.

Iran has a sizeable ethnic Azeri minority and many well-known Iranian politicians and public figures past and present have Azeri roots.

The territory we now know as modern-day Azerbaijan was once part of the Persian Empire, but was ceded to Tsarist Russia in the 19th Century.
Azeris on both sides of the border share a common language and cultural heritage. There have been Turkic-speakers living on both sides of the Araxes river, which now forms the border, for more than 700 years.

On the run
These days the existence of a border between the two Azeri-dominated lands is just taken for granted.

"I go to market on the other side because the food is cheaper there," says Gulchohra Hasanova as she emerges through the border gate, her shopping basket laden with nuts and fruit.

She had returned from Iran with enough food to last her a few days. Hers is a story echoed by dozens who cross back and forth on a daily basis in the border town of Astara.

Iranians also come here to buy alcohol - the sale of which is banned in their country. But the freedom of movement is not open to everyone.
Not far away in his damp, dark two-room apartment I meet Mohammad Rza Lavai, an Iranian Azeri.

As he tries to light the gas stove in his kitchen he tells me he is on the run.
He says he fled Iran in September, claiming he had been persecuted for his ethnicity.

He shows me articles he wrote while he was there - printed in Azeri newspapers - in which he criticizes the Iranian government for their "treatment of the Azeris".
"They did not like it when I used to write in Azeri and publish my work in newspapers: I strongly criticised the regime," he says.

"Soon the authorities called me in. I was jailed several times."
He is visibly shaken and points out that he is now on medication.
"In jail I was electrocuted and beaten," he continues. "There is no such thing as human rights in Iran."

Awkward relationship
It is impossible to verify Mr Lavai's story, and the Iranian constitution does not ban Azeri - but I came across others with similar stories, who did not want to speak on record.

“ There's no doubt that Sahar TV is the voice box of the Iranian authorities ” Khagani Ibadov Azeri journalist

Many Azeris living in Iran often complain that their culture and language are restricted there.

Emin Huseynzade, Caucasus project manager at the think tank Transitions Online, says there has always been an awkward relationship between Azerbaijan and Iran.

"It started during the Shah period," he says. "And [it has become] a tradition: to keep Azeris out of education, out of the [Iranian] culture.
"People were not allowed to give their son or daughter an Azeri name. The cultural life in Iran pushed Azeris to become Persians. That is the main problem actually."

Professor Ali Ansari of St Andrew's University, an expert in Iranian history, says it is seen differently by the Iranian authorities.
"Azeri culture was suppressed in Iran but it has been tolerated and at times encouraged for political purposes," he says.

"However the Iranians are understandably very sensitive to any murmur of separatism and will crack down quickly on this."

Anger through television
These days there is another problem, in that Azerbaijan now supplies Israel with much of its oil.

By way of a response, Iran appears to be showing its anger through television.
When you turn on a television set in southern Azerbaijan it is possible to pick up Iranian TV.

Sahar TV broadcasts in the Azeri language. Its programmes regularly contain criticism of Azeri policy.

Men watch Sahar in tea rooms in towns like Astara and nearby Lenkoran.
The television set is always on, though not necessarily tuned into Sahar all the time.

Many say they only watch it out of curiosity, calling it Iranian propaganda.
Azeri nationalism?

Azeri journalist Khagani Ibadov says: "There's no doubt that Sahar TV is the voice box of the Iranian authorities.

"The presenters often accuse Azerbaijan of being a Zionist regime because of our strong ties with Israel. It shows just how worried they are about Azeri nationalism."

Sahar TV has, on at least one occasion, doctored an image of the Azeri flag so that the crescent moon was replaced with the Star of David, I was told.
As Mr Ibadov warms his hands on his glass of hot green tea he tells me Sahar TV is state-controlled.

"The programme presenters say everything that the Iranian government is too afraid to say directly," he says.

Back at the border Azeris continue to cross freely into and out of Iran.
In spite of everything Iran and Azerbaijan do enjoy bilateral ties and last year their trade turnover was reported to be $700m (£450m).

Lorries, emerging through thick soupy puddles that have collected at the border, carry Iranian produce, destined for local markets, the Azeri capital, Baku - and beyond.

The trade continues, but the stark differences between these two neighbours remain.

Foreign Policy Journal: Balochistan – The other side of the story

By Moign Khawaja

“I believe there will ultimately be a clash between the oppressed and those doing the oppressing. I believe that there will be a clash between those who want freedom, justice and equality for everyone and those who want to continue the system of exploitation. I believe that there will be that kind of clash, but I don’t think it will be based on the colour of the skin. You’re not to be so blind with patriotism that you can’t face reality. Wrong is wrong, no matter who does it or says it.” — Malcolm X

I’ve traveled across Pakistan several times. I’ve been to the plains of Punjab, the Indus valley, the foothills of Karakorum, the delta of Indus river and the coastal region of Makran. Every region has its attraction and charm but if one asks me honestly, Balochistan is by far the most interesting and fascinating region of Pakistan. Why? It is because the land of Balochistan is blessed with a spectacular terrain that includes mountains, deserts, plateau, sea, valleys, oases, and so much more.

It was my first trip to the region and I was traveling to Quetta to watch a highly charged football match between India and Pakistan. Like cricket, both arch rivals promise to deliver some thrilling sporting moments in football competitions as well. Anyway, I boarded the bus and headed to the provincial capital Quetta from Pakistan’s largest city Karachi.

It is very hard for me to hide my excitement and suppress my feelings. Sat in the bus I couldn’t help but smile and peek out from the window. Soon I noticed that a young guy came to my seat and asked to sit next to me which I did not mind. After formal introduction he asked if I was a foreigner traveling to Balochistan for the first time. “I hope you don’t have preconceived ideas about our nation Mr. Khawaja,” he said in a sarcastic tone. “I believe in my own observations and forming my own opinion based on them,” came my reply with a smile to which he seemed much relieved.

Azizullah was a 23 year old student who was studying medicine at a university in Karachi. Appearing to be a very quiet and reserved young man, he later became more friendly and chatty. He came from a middle class Baloch family from Khuzdar area in central Balochistan. “My father and uncles are doctors as well but I wanted to break the tradition of our family and become a diplomat,” he lamented as we started the conversation. The driver set off to Quetta at the same time.

CONUNDRUM

As our chat progressed he went on to tell me how hard it is to become a diplomat due to his ethnic background. Soon my Baloch friend lobbed this conundrum at me: “Guess a land that is blessed with natural wealth yet suffers from chronic poverty. A civilization that is rich of culture and traditions yet suffers from degradation. A nation that takes pride in its values and traditions yet suffers from suppression of identity. A laborer that works hard with patience and diligence yet gets exploitation and oppression as wages. And ironically, a cow that is forced to give milk yet starves for fodder to survive.” I resorted to scratching my head and wondered what I’m about to learn from him…
Balochistan has been in the news over the past few years due to the low level insurgency going on in the region.

Thousands of activists are actively fighting the authorities in the volatile provinces of Balochistan in Pakistan and in Sistaan va Balochistan province in neighboring Iran. Many people in both Pakistan and Iran insist that foreign powers are actively meddling in the state of affairs of these provinces and are bent upon breaking them away from the nation. One can find both Iranian and Pakistani analysts filling hundreds of pages of newsprint with information on how the Baloch fighters are getting weapons from U.S.A. and other regional powers. However, one thing you’ll seldom find them telling is the reason why some Baloch ‘miscreants’ have taken weapons in their hands and are waging a war for autonomy or independence.

I wasted no time and asked Azizullah the same question. “It is convenient to label someone a criminal or terrorist. A person commits a crime and he becomes a criminal. A kidnapping, shooting, killing, assassination or bombing and a terrorist is born,” the medical student expressed philosophically. After a brief pause while reading my facial expressions, he continued: “However, seldom we come to know what the motives were behind every criminal or terrorists’ action. It is not possible to believe that all these people are born evil and their only purpose of life is to bring destruction and harm to the society. So what is the rationale?” Azizullah’s questions started to become intense and critical.

LAND, PEOPLE AND PRIDE
Balochistan is a region that is spread across Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The combined area of this region is around 600,000 square kilometers, which is about the size of Ukraine; 347,000 km² is part of Pakistan, 181,785 km² in Iran and around 70,000 km² in Afghanistan. Despite having large areas in Pakistan and Iran, the Baloch population is around 5 million and 2 million respectively in both the countries. It is estimated that more than 200,000 Baloch people live in southern Afghanistan.

According to contemporary Baloch scholar Dr. Naseer Dashti, Baloch people trace their history to the ancient Parthian family of Aryan tribes living in the Caspian Sea region. The Baloch tribes began to settle in to present day Balochistan as early as 1200 AD. The migration of Baloch population from Caspian Sea region to the present semi-desert land of Balochistan took place in three different times and places.

Baloch tribes first migrated to present day Balochistan from the northern areas of Mesopotamia, what is now called Kurdistan. These Baloch are known as Narui (Nara denoting north in archaic Balochi language). They settled in the area of Sistan in present-day Iran, Helmand valley in southern Afghanistan and Chagai plains in present Pakistani province of Balochistan.

Historic map of the region.
The second migration followed the first after a few hundred years. The incoming Baloch tribes moved from Mount Elburz in the south of Caspian Sea and settled in central Balochistan areas of Khuzdar and Kalat in Pakistan.
The Baloch intellectual adds that the third and most important of all is the migration of the remaining Baloch tribes said to be living in Syrian city of Aleppo who first settled in Kerman (present day Iran), then Makran and finally in the plains of Sibi and Kachchi in eastern Balochistan. This migration took place during 12th century AD.

While I read the above mentioned information in notes given by Azizullah, he answered a call on his mobile phone. Hearing Balochi language for the first time I tried to understand a few words that are used in both Urdu and Arabic.
“Balochi is the language spoken by the Baloch people. It is a member of the Indo-Aryan languages,” he explained after sensing my curiosity about his language. “Balochi is closely related to Kurdish, Persian and Sanskrit languages but it is believed to be more ancient than these languages. We also carry a heavy influence of Arabic due to the Islamic conquests in the region during the middle age.” I was left pleasantly surprised that our languages had so many things in common including the use of same Arabic script.


While the bus moved at a high speed thanks to the recent improvements on the RCD Highway, I began grilling my friend about Baloch history and the immense pride attached to it. His answers were immediate.
“Baloch people have historically defended themselves from foreign invaders by forming loose tribal unions. The unions are linked through trade, agriculture and livestock. This cooperation helped them interact socially, politically and militarily, in case of invasions,” the young medical student explained succinctly. It was obvious that he was enjoying this conversation and knew about the history of his nation very well.

“Balochistan’s geo-political location meant it was never safe from external threats or interventions, however, the combined threat of tribal unions enabled them to ward off Persian, Afghan and other influences,” he added with a hint of bitterness in his tone.

POLITICS OF PROMISES
We travelled around 200 kms during the last two and a half hours and stopped for refueling and refreshments. My travel mate bought me a delicious fruit cake and tea as we sat on charpoy – a traditional bed consisting of wooden frame and woven ropes.

“If you count the promises made to us, we must be the richest people in the world,” Azizullah’s rant continued. “Take this highway for example. Back in 1980s, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan decided to link their countries through a highway which they named RCD. Starting from Istanbul, it crisscrossed Turkey, Iran and was supposed to end in Karachi. While Turkey and Iran completed their part of the highway, Pakistani project languished for years. Only Gen. Musharraf took interest in the project and got it completed finally.”

I was surprised to hear Azizullah, an ethnic Baloch, praising for Gen. Musharraf, the former military dictator of Pakistan who ruled the country from 1999 to 2008. However, his praise soon turned into criticism when I asked about his role in Balochistan’s society.

He dragged me to a nearby petrol station. “This is part of Pakistan, right?” He poked a question to which I nodded in affirmation. “Well, the only thing we use here is the Pakistani currency. Apart from that everything else is smuggled from Iran. Fuel, food, cosmetics, chemicals, crops, stationary, and even cars come from there,” Azizullah revealed while adding, “Fuel is dirt cheap. The Iranian fuel costs pennies if compared to the price we pay for branded Pakistani one. Not even fools will buy for that price.”

Most of Balochistan’s landscape is dominated by mountains with villages dotted across the region. (Photo: John Moore/Getty Images)

Azizullah blamed heavy duties that made Pakistani goods expensive and scarce. The Iranian goods, on the other hand, were cheap and easily available. Many people would argue that transporting goods to Balochistan is an expensive operation in terms of logistics and supply, however, the Baloch student argued that many industries can be opened in the province to give a boost to local industries, hence ending shortages and smuggling.

DEEP MISTRUST
It is hard to take people’s accounts by face value in a country where every person has different views from the others based on their perception of history, current affairs and politics. Aware of what Azizullah views can be conceived as grievances, they can also be seen as lame excuses and propaganda by people elsewhere.

“Azizullah, tell me honestly if you’re not against the tribal chiefs of Balochistan who don’t want to see their subjects getting literate and breaking the shackles of economic deprivation and political isolation,” I came forward with a question to clear the mist. He looked deep into my eyes before giving an answer.
“Moign, you asked me a typical question that is dipped into what I call ‘establishment’s propaganda’. Not a single Baloch on our land is against literacy and development. We know for a fact that the only way forward is to embrace science and technology,” the 23 year old said in an assuring tone.”We want to become part of the modern world. We have to exploit our natural resources for common good. However, all these plans made by our masters are deceptive as we are not part of them and they are not bound to benefit us.” Cynicism was back on his face.

Read any newspaper or watch any mainstream Pakistani news channel and you’ll find out that Balochistan is languishing due to its tribal structure and archaic sense of nationalism. “The people cry the old tale of exploitation yet never take the socio-economic opportunities given to them by governments,” is what you’ll hear retired army servicemen, economists, bureaucrats, politicians and religious leaders claiming in TV talk shows; loathing the Sardars (Baloch tribal leaders) and asking the Balochs to help the Pakistani army clean up their mess once and for all.

View of Gwadar deep sea port built with Chinese cooperation. (Photo: Wikimedia commons)
“They talk about highways, ports, cities, industries whereas we talk about education, health, jobs, opportunities for indigenous people. Our demands are down-to-earth whereas their promises are tall. We don’t see a match in their words and actions. We sense injustice, exploitation and colonization in the statements made by these pseudo-intellectuals,” Azizullah said referring to the analysts in Pakistani media.

Azizullah’s views are not unique. They’re equally shared millions of Balochs living in Pakistani part of Balochistan. Poverty is widespread among Baloch nation and according to the UN Human Development Report, Balochistan stands lowest in human development index in the country. The province has a literacy rate of just around 27% compared to the national average of 47%. Around 1/3 of the total Balochistan population is unemployed or underemployed. Despite rich mineral resources, including coal, copper and natural gas, only 25% of Balochistan’s population receives electricity. Hardly 7% of the population of the province has access to sanitation and piped potable water.

ACCESSION OR OCCUPATION?
Facts clearly fuel Azizullah’s argument. They also provide ammo to the people who talk about separation of Balochistan from the federation of Pakistan and the Islamic Republic of Iran and forming a new republic. After all, what have the Baloch achieved after they joined Pakistan in 1948? My young friend seized the opportunity to answer this question.

“My brother, please do not buy this notion that we joined Pakistan in 1948. Historically we never were part of British India. Our ruler, the Khan of Kalat, signed several treaties with the British that recognized his sovereignty in exchange of British protection. However, we stayed as a sovereign state outside India,” the medical student touched history once again and the conversation

started to flow in that direction.

Dr. Naseer Dashti is a respected Baloch scholar and activist who holds a PhD. on Baloch health-seeking behavior from the University of Greenwich. His two recently published books, ‘The Voice of Reason’ and ‘In a Baloch Perspective’ have been banned by Pakistani authorities. According to the Baloch nationalist, both British and Pakistanis accepted the sovereignty of Kalat state in a June 1947 partition plan. However, the British did not consult the Khan of Kalat over the transfer of leased Balochistan lands under British control. Consequently, British and Pakistani authorities held a controversial referendum in which their favored members took part and declared Balochistan as part of Pakistan.

Just before the creation of Pakistan, State of Kalat declared its independence on 12 August, 1947. However, this announcement was not welcomed by the new rulers of Pakistan and they started to force the Khan of Kalat to join the newly born Islamic republic. After their political advances were refused, Pakistani army marched into the Kalat territory on 26 March 1948 and forced the Khan to surrender his territory. The Khan of Kalat, though having no constitutional powers, agreed to sign the instrument of accession with Pakistan.
“History is not what you read in textbooks Mr. Khawaja,” Azizullah bounced back while I was reading his notes about Baloch history. “The accounts in Pakistani textbooks are all a peaceful and rosy affair when it comes to Balochistan,” he said with a sarcastic smile. “Reality is completely different.”

FRUSTRATION FUELS INSURGENCY

The journey was about to end as I was 5,500 feet above the sea level and entering Quetta valley. The views of the capital from surrounding mountains are just spectacular. It seems like you’re about to enter some saucer that is illuminated by glitter. I bid farewell to my friend and thanked him for such a productive discussion at the bus station. Finding out that I’m a football fan and came here just to watch the clash between Pakistan and India, he promised to join me in the stadium next day.

That evening I ventured into town and got a glimpse of the metropolis. I was struck by the level of cleanliness in the city. Unlike other Pakistani cities, I found Quetta remarkably clean and tidy. I returned to my hotel and turned on the TV. While flicking through the channels, I found a lively debate going on the TV. The participants were discussing the military operation waged by Pakistani army in Balochistan and some hot words were exchanged in due course.

“The Sardars don’t like Gen. Musharraf’s pro-development policies and have taken up arms to destroy the project. They can’t see the profound impact of these development projects on Balochistan’s economy and fear losing their influence,” shouted one ex-military analyst. The nationalists opposing military presence in Balochistan and so-called ‘mega development projects‘ see it as part of colonizing their land.

“Who are you to give us anything? You give power to these sardars, you give them the government and when these very people don’t play according to your game plan you try to get rid of them,” yelled one Baloch activist in the discussion panel. “We don’t want you, your puppet Sardars (tribal leaders), your mega projects. Nothing. Leave our land and go back to the plains of Punjab,” the diatribe continued. The moderator, sensing the boiling tempers, called for a quick break. The program did not start again for a good 20 minutes. And when it did start, the compere apologized for lack of time and thanked his participants and called it a day.

Next day I was in the football stadium packed with spectators. I met Azizullah at the fixed place. The match eventually kicked off after formal pre-match ceremonies. While thousands of people were carrying green and white Pakistani flags, I saw some Indian supporters carrying the tri-color. Surprised, I quipped they must be Baloch separatists. My Baloch friend heard that with a broad smile on his face that I never saw before.

“Yes. They’re Baloch. They’re paid by the Indians to hoist their flag and cheer up the visitors. Something wrong with this? At least they’re not carrying guns and fighting the Pakistani army,” the Baloch student said with a thunderous laughter. I laughed too but took the joke with a pinch of salt.

“People love to gossip that Baloch rights movement is controlled by India. You’ll see Pakistani politicians and military generals making statements about New Delhi’s interference in Balochistan. They’ll claim India has hundreds of training camps here in our province. My simple questions: Where is the proof? Show me at least one camp where Indians are training the Baloch separatists. And even if there are camps, what the hell is the Pakistani establishment doing? How did they let the Indians infiltrate and establish their bases thousands of kilometers deep into Pakistani territory?”

Potent questions raised by Azizullah I thought. While I was thinking about the possible explanations, the restless soul continued his tirade. “They say India doesn’t like the Gwadar port as it will give Islamabad a new naval base. They also insist that this port will make us independent which the Indians won’t like at all. The Chinese have helped construct this port which displeases our ‘arch rival’.

Fishing boats moored outside the bay of Gwadar. (Photo: wetlandsofpakistan)
“Typical establishment rhetoric. I can understand that. But what I don’t understand is, how will this port make us prosperous while hardly 10% of the locals are employed by the port authorities?” the 23 year old medical student posed questions in an activist style. “Gwadar is a historic fishing port and Baloch people have been making a livelihood for centuries. This government seizes the town and declares it ‘federal territory’. They establish a cantonment, coast guard outposts and expel the poor fishermen from their waters and impose a 15 nautical mile curfew.

“And this is not the end. They give licenses to fishing trawlers from China and Far East to fish in our seas yet 80% of local population have no right to make a livelihood. Is this justice? You call this development or imperialism Mr. Journalist?”

It was hard for me to validate the figures provided by the young Baloch student. However, I got the gist of his arguments. History is rife with examples when indigenous people found themselves strangers in their own lands and were overran by invading settlers. The Native Americans vs European settlers; Incas vs Spanish; Aborigines vs White settlers; Uighurs/Tibetans vs Han Chinese; and Palestinians vs Israelis are just a few examples of colonialism and subsequent conflicts.

Balochs have long complained of being marginalized in their own lands. They blame Punjabis, the dominant ethnic group in Pakistan for their socio-economic exploitation that is going on for the last 60 years, whereas the Shia Iranians for their politico-religious suppression since the 1979 Khomeini revolution. Despite blessed with huge deposits of uranium, copper, gold, coal, natural gas, oil, sulfur and many other minerals, my three day stay in the province reminded me of some backward place of the world where clocks have lost their pace and time has become irrelevant.

Political propaganda aside, I saw no connections between Azizullah’s family with the feudal leaders. He was equally bitter about them as well. He blamed the government in Islamabad and its machinery for empowering the tribal chiefs instead of the people’s democracy. He vocally blasted the military operations and blamed them for disillusionment of the Baloch masses.

“They have cluster bombs, long range and anti-cave missiles to drop on our land yet they can’t build roads and reservoirs,” Azizullah continued to vent out his frustration. “Dams will enable our farmers to cultivate lands and increase agricultural output of the country.

“Fishing vessels and improved storage godowns will improve the livelihood of our fishermen and boost our exports. I’m not a separatist as I know battles come with a heavy cost but please tell me what choice is my nation left with? We’re forced to pay a heavy price for mega projects yet they’re not ready to provide us the very basic necessities like water, sanitation, education, gas and electricity, transport, jobs etc. I refuse to stay silent,” my young friend cried but didn’t speak any further.

The match ended in a 1-1 draw. Soon we headed to Quetta’s famous attraction, Lake Hannah, where we went for a boat ride. The mid-summer views were spectacular amidst the clear blue skies. My host’s mood was refreshed by the natural beauty around him and his temper seemed to ease a bit. I was ecstatic when he took me to a mountain top restaurant that is famous for its local dish called ‘Sajji’ – whole lamb stuffed with rice, roasted over burning coal.

While I was about to thank him for his hospitality and good company and say good bye, he asked me a quick question. “Agha (sir in Balochi language) Moign, I’ll ask one last question if you don’t mind,” to which I nodded with smile. “We had a boat trip at the lake, didn’t we. Say if I make you row the boat till the point of exhaustion, how will you react?”

The question puzzled me immediately. “Well,” I paused for a while. “I’ll resist and try to get rid of the captain who turned out to be my captor. If I can’t resist I’ll bore a hole in the ship so that he doesn’t get away with his crime and sink with me. You might think it is revenge but it will come out naturally,” I replied while trying to defend my actions.

“We, the Baloch people are doing the same my kind friend. We want to sail in the boat as equals but if we’re enslaved by the colonialists, we will not let this boat stay afloat.” he said in a firm tone. “We may be less in numbers but we live with our traditions and pride intact. For us, our homeland is more precious than our lives.” young Azizullah asserted.

Five years have passed since I first visited Balochistan. Things have not changed at all since then. The military operation continues and so does the insurgency mounted by Balochistan Liberation Army, a rag-tag militia of several Baloch tribes. Apart from the inauguration of a few mega projects and their topsy-turvy functioning, Balochistan stays more or less the most backward area of Pakistan.
During my visit, certain things dawned upon me. I was no more under the illusion that separatist movement is fueled by Washington, Tel Aviv or New Delhi and not the socio-economic grievances of the Baloch people. The uprising in western Pakistan and south-eastern Iran is a result of decades long systematic discrimination and exploitation by the governments in Tehran and Islamabad.

Yes the tribal chiefs are to blame for the underdevelopment of Balochs. Yes they’re selfish and power hungry beasts but what about the excesses committed by security apparatus in Pakistan and Iran that is alienating the masses? Why do the Balochs remain the poorest in both the countries while living on one of the most richest lands in the world? Establishments in the Islamic Republics of Pakistan and Iran better answer these questions soon otherwise their boats stay at peril of getting sunk by the burden of greed, exploitation and expansion.

Loading... Moign Khawaja specialises in politics, current affairs and world conflicts. He also takes deep interest in society especially religious and cultural festivals. He has MA degrees in Journalism and International Affairs.

Irish Times: Iran hangs five Kurdish separatists

Iran hanged five members of a Kurdish group for various charges, including "moharebe" or waging war against God, the official IRNA news agency reported today.

The four men and one woman were members of the Party of Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK), an offshoot of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) which took up arms in 1984 for an ethnic homeland in southeast Turkey and northwest Iran."

The five … were hanged inside Tehran's Evin prison on Sunday morning ... They confessed carrying out deadly terrorist operations in the country in the past years," IRNA said.Iran sees PJAK, which seeks autonomy for Kurdish areas in Iran and shelters in Iraq's northeastern border provinces, as a terrorist group.

In recent years, Iranian forces have often clashed with PJAK guerrillas, who operate out of bases in northern Iraq. Kurds are large minorities in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria.The five Kurdish activists were convicted in 2008.

They were hanged after a Supreme Court upheld their death sentences.IRNA said three of them were founders of PJAK group in Iran and were also involved in bombings that killed members of Iran's Revolutionary Guards, an elite force that is separate from Iran's regular armed forces.Four of the five were accused of involvement in a mosque bombing in the central city of Shiraz in 2008 which killed 14 people.

Like Iraq and Turkey, Iran has a large Kurdish minority, mainly living in the Islamic Republic's northwest and west. The United States in February 2009 also branded PJAK as a terrorist organisation.

Christian Post: Iranian Pastor Has Visible Marks of Torture, Says Wife

An Iranian evangelical pastor who was suddenly arrested and then imprisoned has visible marks of torture, his wife said after she visited him.

An Iranian evangelical pastor who was suddenly arrested and then imprisoned has visible marks of torture, his wife said after she visited him.

Pastor Wilson Issavi of the Assyrian Evangelical Church in Kermanshah, a remote city in western Iran, is living in dreadful condition and appears to have been tortured while in prison, his wife Medline Nazanin told reporters and human rights activists in Iran, according to Farsi Christian News Network.

Nazanin also said intelligence officials told her that her husband is “awaiting his trial and his death sentence,” reported FCNN on Thursday. Issavi is accused of converting Muslims to Christianity and performing their baptisms.

Issavi was arrested by security agents on Feb. 2 while visiting a friend’s house in the central city of Isfahan. For weeks, the pastor’s family had no information on where he was located. But recently, his wife was allowed to visit him – the only time she has seen her husband since he was arrested. Issavi is held in an unmarked prison, his wife said.

The Assyrian Evangelical Church in Kermanshah, which Issavi oversees, is one of the oldest churches in the city. The church has been shut down and parishioners are reportedly under government surveillance.

Those who know Issavi describe him as low-keyed, meek and humble.

Authorities had raided his home in January and shut down his church, but the pastor requested that FCNN not report the news because he was afraid officials would crack down on the church members even more. He tried to quietly negotiate with local officials to reach a compromise. An FCNN news correspondent said the pastor tried to respect the law even though it is oppressive towards religious minorities.

In addition to the persecution of Pastor Issavi, Iranian intelligence agents recently also raided the home of Hamid Shafiee and his wife, Reyhaneh Aghajari, two house church leaders in Isfahan. After the raid on Feb. 28, agents arrested the couple, took them to an unknown location, and confiscated books and CDs.

Several months ago, officials also shut down the Friday service of Iran’s largest official church. The Assemblies of God Church in Iran now only holds Sunday services.

Ethan Cole
Christian Post Reporter