US Department: 2010 International Religious Freedom Report

Iran

September 13, 2011

The constitution states that Islam is the official state religion, and the doctrine followed is that of Ja'afari (Twelver) Shiism. The constitution provides that "other Islamic denominations are to be accorded full respect," while the country's pre-Islamic religious groups -- Zoroastrians, Christians, and Jews -- are recognized as "protected" religious minorities. The fourth article of the constitution states that all laws and regulations must be based on Islamic criteria an official interpretation of Sharia (Islamic Law). Laws and policies severely restrict freedom of religion and practice the government enforced restrictions severely restricting freedom of religion.

The government's level of respect for religious freedom in law and in practice declined during the reporting period. Government rhetoric and actions created a threatening atmosphere for nearly all non-Shia religious groups, most notably for Bahais, as well as Sufi Muslims, evangelical Christians, Jews, and Shia groups that do not share the government's official religious views. Reports of government imprisonment, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination based on religious beliefs continued during the reporting period. Bahai religious groups reported arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention, expulsions from universities, and confiscation of property. During the reporting period government-controlled broadcast and print media intensified negative campaigns against religious minorities, particularly the Bahais. All non-Shia religious minorities suffered varying degrees of officially sanctioned discrimination, particularly in the areas of employment, education, and housing.

There were reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Although the constitution gives Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians the status of "protected" religious minorities (as long as they do not proselytize), in practice non-Shia Muslims faced substantial societal discrimination, and government actions continued to support elements of society that created a threatening atmosphere for some religious minorities.

The U.S. government makes clear its strong objections to the government's harsh and oppressive treatment of religious minorities through public statements, support for relevant United Nations (UN) and nongovernmental organization (NGO) efforts, as well as diplomatic initiatives. On January 16, 2009, the U.S. Secretary of State re-designated the country a "Country of Particular Concern" (CPC) under the International Religious Freedom Act, for its particularly egregious violations of religious freedom. The United States has designated Iran a CPC since 1999.

Section I. Religious Demography

The country has an area of 636,000 square miles and a population of 67 million. The population is 98 percent Muslim -- 89 percent Shia and 9 percent Sunni (mostly Turkmen and Arabs, Baluchs, and Kurds living in the southwest, southeast, and northwest respectively). There were no official statistics available on the size of the Sufi Muslim population; however, some reports estimated between two and five million persons practice Sufism in the country.

Unofficial estimates from religious organizations claimed that Bahais, Jews, Christians, Sabean-Mandaeans, and Zoroastrians constitute 2 percent of the population. The largest non-Muslim minority is the Bahais, who number 300,000 to 350,000. Unofficial estimates of the Jewish community's size varied from 20,000 to 30,000.

According to UN figures, 300,000 Christians live in the country, the majority of whom are ethnic Armenians. Unofficial estimates for the Assyrian Christian population ranged between 10,000 and 20,000. There are also Protestant denominations, including evangelical religious groups. Christian groups outside the country estimated the size of the Protestant Christian community to be less than 10,000, although many Protestant Christians reportedly practice in secret. Sabean-Mandaeans number 5,000 to 10,000 persons. The government regarded the Sabean-Mandaeans as Christians, and they were included among the three recognized religious minorities; however, Sabean-Mandaeans do not consider themselves Christians. The government estimated there are 30,000 to 35,000 Zoroastrians, a primarily ethnic Persian minority; however, Zoroastrian groups claimed to have 60,000 adherents.

Section II. Status of Government Respect for Religious Freedom

Legal/Policy Framework

Please refer to Appendix C in the Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for the status of the government's acceptance of international legal standards http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/appendices/index.htm.

The constitution and policies severely restricted freedom of religion. The constitution declares the "official religion of Iran is Islam and the doctrine followed is that of Ja'afari (Twelver) Shiism." All laws and regulations must be consistent with the official interpretation of Sharia (Islamic law). The constitution provides Sunni Muslims a degree of religious freedom; however, the government severely restricted overall religious freedom. The constitution states that "within the limits of the law," Zoroastrians, Jews, and Christians are the only recognized religious minorities guaranteed freedom to practice their religious beliefs; however, members of these recognized minority religious groups reported government imprisonment, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination based on their religious beliefs.

The supreme leader of the Islamic revolution, Ayatollah Ali Khamene'i, heads a three-branch structure of government (legislative, executive, and judicial branches). The supreme leader is not directly elected, but chosen by a group of 86 Islamic scholars (the Assembly of Experts), who are directly elected. All acts of the majles (parliament) must be reviewed for strict conformity with Islamic law and the constitution, and all candidates for any elected office must be vetted by the unelected Council of Guardians. The council is composed of six clerics appointed by the supreme leader and six Muslim jurists (legal scholars) nominated by the head of the judiciary and approved by the majles.

The government did not respect the right of Muslim citizens to change or renounce their religious faith. The government automatically considers a child born to a Muslim father to be a Muslim.

Non-Muslims may not engage in public religious expression, persuasion, and conversion among Muslims, and there were restrictions on published religious material. Apostasy, specifically conversion from Islam, is punishable by death. At least two death sentences for apostasy or evangelism were issued under judicial interpretations of Sharia during the reporting period.

Proselytizing of Muslims by non-Muslims is illegal. Evangelical church leaders were subjected to pressure from authorities to sign pledges that they would not evangelize Muslims or allow Muslims to attend church services. Members of religious minorities, excluding Sunni Muslims, were prevented from serving in the judiciary and security services and from becoming public school principals.

Applicants for public sector employment were screened for their adherence to and knowledge of Islam, although members of religious minorities, with the exception of Bahais, could serve in lower ranks of government employment. Government workers who did not observe Islamic principles and rules were subject to penalties.

The constitution states that the army must be Islamic and must recruit individuals who are committed to the objectives of the Islamic Revolution. In practice, however, no religious minorities were exempt from military service. The law forbids non-Muslims from holding officer positions over Muslims in the armed forces. Members of religious minorities with a college education can serve as officers during their mandatory military service but cannot be career military officers.

By law, religious minorities are not allowed to be elected to a representative body or to hold senior government or military positions, with the exception that five of a total 290 seats in the majles are reserved for religious minorities. Two seats are reserved for Armenian Christians, one for Assyrian Christians, one for Jews, and one for Zoroastrians. While Sunnis do not have reserved seats in the majles, they were allowed to serve in the body. Sunni majles deputies tended to be elected from among the larger Sunni communities. Members of religious minorities were allowed to vote; however, no member of a religious minority, including Sunni Muslims, is eligible to be president.

The legal system discriminates against religious minorities. Article 297 of the amended 1991 Islamic Punishments Act authorizes collection of equal diyeh (blood money) as restitution to families for the death of both Muslims and non-Muslims. According to law, Bahai blood is considered mobah, meaning it can be spilled with impunity.

Adherents of religious groups not recognized by the constitution, such as the Bahais, did not have freedom to practice their beliefs. The government prohibited Bahais from teaching and practicing their faith. Bahais were barred from all leadership positions in the government and military.

The government considered Bahais to be apostates and defined the Bahai faith as a political "sect." The Ministry of Justice stated that Bahais were permitted to enroll in schools only if they did not identify themselves as such, and Bahais preferably should be enrolled in schools with a strong and imposing religious ideology. There were reports that Bahai children in public schools faced attempts to convert them to Islam.

In 2008 the government reverted to its previous practice of requiring Bahai students to identify themselves as a religion other than Bahai to register for the entrance examination. The government had briefly rescinded this requirement in 2007. This action precluded Bahai enrollment in state-run universities, since a tenet of the Bahai faith is not to deny one's faith. The Ministry of Justice stated that Bahais must be excluded or expelled from universities, either in the admission process or during the course of their studies, if their religious affiliation became known. University applicants were required to pass an examination in Islamic, Christian, or Jewish theology, but there was no test for the Bahai theology.

Bahais were banned from the social pension system. In addition Bahais were regularly denied compensation for injury or criminal victimization and the right to inherit property. Bahai marriages and divorces were not officially recognized, although the government allowed a civil attestation of marriage to serve as a marriage certificate.

The government allowed recognized religious minorities to establish community centers and certain self-financed cultural, social, athletic, or charitable associations. However, the government prohibited the Bahai community from officially assembling or maintaining administrative institutions through the means of closing such institutions.

The government propagated a legal interpretation of Islam that effectively deprived women of many rights granted to men. Gender segregation was enforced generally throughout the country without regard to religious affiliation. Women of all religious groups were expected to adhere to Islamic dress in public. Although enforcement of rules for conservative Islamic dress eased at times, the government periodically repressed "un-Islamic dress." The government's 12-point contract model for marriage and divorce limited the rights accorded to women by custom and traditional interpretations of Islamic law.

The government observes the following religious holidays as national holidays: Eid-e-Ghadir, Tassoua, Ashura, Arbaeen, the Demise of the Prophet Muhammad, Martyrdom of Imam Reza, Birthday of Imam Ali, Ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, Birthday of Imam Mahdi, Eid-e-Fitr, Martyrdom of Imam Ali, Martyrdom of Imam Jafar Sadegh, Eid-e-Ghorban, and the Islamic New Year.

Restrictions on Religious Freedom

The government enforced harsh legal and policy restrictions on religious freedom. During the reporting period, respect for religious freedom in the country continued to deteriorate. Government rhetoric and actions created a threatening atmosphere for nearly all non-Shia religious groups, most notably for Bahais, as well as Sufi Muslims, evangelical Christians, Jews, and Shia groups who do not share the government's sanctioned religious views. Reports of government imprisonment, harassment, intimidation, and discrimination based on religious beliefs continued during the reporting period. Bahai religious groups reported arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, expulsions from universities, and confiscation of property. Government-controlled broadcast and print media intensified negative campaigns against religious minorities, particularly the Bahais, during the reporting period. All non-Shia religious minorities suffered varying degrees of officially sanctioned discrimination, particularly in the areas of employment, education, and housing.

Particularly since the June 2009 elections, the government intensified its campaign against non-Muslim religious minorities.

The Ministry of Islamic Culture and Guidance (Ershad) and the Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) monitored religious activity closely. Members of recognized religious minorities were not required to register with the government; however, authorities closely monitored their communal, religious, and cultural events and organizations, including schools. Registration of Bahais was a police function during the reporting period. The government also required evangelical Christian groups to compile and submit membership lists of their congregations.

The government generally allowed recognized religious minority groups to conduct religious education for their adherents in separate schools, although it restricted this right considerably in some cases. The Ministry of Education, which imposed certain curriculum requirements, supervised these schools. With few exceptions, the directors of such private schools must be Muslim. Attendance at the schools was not mandatory for recognized religious minorities. The Ministry of Education must approve all textbooks used in coursework, including religious texts. Recognized religious minorities could provide religious instruction in non-Persian languages, but such texts required approval by the authorities. This approval requirement sometimes imposed significant translation expenses on minority communities. Assyrian Christians reported that their community was permitted to write its own textbooks which, following government authorization, were printed at the government's expense and distributed to the Assyrian community.

Christians of all denominations reported the presence of security cameras outside their churches allegedly to confirm that no non-Christians participate in services.

Broad restrictions on Bahais severely undermined their ability to practice their faith freely and function as a community. Bahai groups reported that the government often denied applications for new or renewed business and trade licenses to Bahais. The government repeatedly pressured Bahais to accept relief from mistreatment in exchange for recanting their religious beliefs. The government prevented many Bahais from leaving the country.

Bahais could not teach or practice their religious beliefs or maintain links with coreligionists abroad. Bahais were often officially charged with "espionage on behalf of Zionism," in part due to the fact that the Bahai world headquarters is located in Israel. These charges were more acute when Bahais were caught communicating with or sending monetary contributions to the Bahai headquarters.

Public and private universities continued to deny admittance to or expel Bahai students. Although the government maintained publicly that Bahais were free to attend university, reports indicated that the implicit policy of preventing Bahais from obtaining higher education remained in effect during the reporting period.

In a December 7 report, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran reported that at least seventeen Bahai were barred or expelled from universities in 2010 on political or religious grounds. Furthermore, during the past few years, young Bahai schoolchildren in primary and high schools increasingly have been vilified, pressured to convert to Islam, and in many cases expelled on account of their religion.

There were reports that the government compiled a list of Bahais and their trades and employment using information from the Association of Chambers of Commerce and related organizations, which are nominally independent and heavily influenced by the government.

In October 2010 Deputy Culture Minister Mohsen Parviz issued a statement stating there is "no place for the promotion of Sufism in Shia dominated Iran."

Many Sunnis claimed the government discriminated against them; however, it is difficult to distinguish whether the cause of discrimination was religious or ethnic, since most Sunnis are also members of ethnic minorities. Sunnis cited the absence of a Sunni mosque in Tehran, despite the presence of more than one million adherents in the city, as a prominent example. Sunni leaders reported bans on Sunni religious literature and teachings in public schools, even in predominantly Sunni areas. Sunnis also noted the underrepresentation of Sunnis in government-appointed positions in the provinces where they form a majority, such as Kurdistan and Khuzestan Provinces, as well as their inability to obtain senior government positions.

While the government recognizes Judaism as an official religious minority, the Jewish community experienced official discrimination. The government continued to sanction anti-Semitic propaganda involving official statements, media outlets, publications, and books. The government's anti-Semitic rhetoric, along with a perception among radical Muslims that all Jewish citizens of the country support Zionism and the state of Israel, continued to create a hostile atmosphere for Jews. The rhetorical attacks also further blurred the line between Zionism, Judaism, and Israel and contributed to increased concerns about the future security of the Jewish community in the country.

President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad continued a virulent anti-Semitic campaign. During the reporting period, the president publically called for the destruction of Israel.

President Ahmadinejad continued to regularly question the existence and the scope of the Holocaust, which created a more hostile environment for the Jewish community. In a September 2009 speech at the annual Al Quds Day rally in Tehran, the president stated the West created the myth of the Holocaust as a pretext for the creation of the "Zionist" regime.

The government promoted and condoned anti-Semitism in state media; however, with some exceptions, there was little government restriction of, or interference with, Jewish religious practice. The government reportedly allowed Hebrew instruction but limited the distribution of Hebrew texts, particularly nonreligious texts, making it difficult to teach the language. Moreover, the government required that in conformity with the schedule of other schools, Jewish schools must remain open on Saturdays, which violated Jewish law.

Jewish citizens were free to travel out of the country, and the government did not enforce the general restriction against travel by the country's citizens to Israel on Jews.

The Sabean-Mandaean religious community reportedly faced harassment and repression by authorities similar to that faced by other religious minorities. The government often denied members of the Sabean-Mandaean community access to higher education.

The government repressed Sufi communities and religious practices, including increased harassment and intimidation of prominent Sufi leaders by the intelligence and security services. Government restrictions on Sufi groups and husseiniya (houses of worship) became more pronounced in recent reporting periods. There were numerous reports of Shia clerics and prayer leaders denouncing Sufism and the activities of Sufis in the country in both sermons and public statements.

The government carefully monitored the statements and views of senior Shia religious leaders. The Special Clerical Courts, established to investigate offenses and crimes committed by clerics and which the supreme leader oversees directly, were not provided for in the constitution and so have operated outside the judiciary. In particular, critics alleged that the clerical courts were used to prosecute certain clerics for expressing controversial political ideas and for participating in nonreligious activities, including journalism.

Non-Shia religious leaders reported bans on Sunni teachings in public schools and Sunni religious literature. Residents of provinces with large Sunni populations, including Kurdistan, Khuzestan, and Sistan-va-Baluchestan, reported discrimination and lack of resources, but it was difficult to determine if this discrimination was based on religion, ethnicity, or both.

Laws based on religious affiliation continued to be used to stifle freedom of expression. Independent newspapers and magazines have been closed, and leading publishers and journalists have been imprisoned on vague charges of "insulting Islam" or "calling into question the Islamic foundation of the Republic."

Abuses of Religious Freedom

There were reports of abuses of religious freedom in the country, including religious prisoners and detainees. Authorities regularly detained and harassed bloggers who wrote anything critical of the country's Islamic revolution. The government requires bloggers to register their Web sites with the Ministry of Art and Culture.

In early 2010 the government started convicting and executing reformers and peaceful protestors on the charge of being moharebeh (understood as enmity against God). Reportedly, more than 10 individuals have been charged, convicted, and sentenced to death as moharebeh. At least three are known to have been executed during the past year.

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the government has killed more than 200 Bahais and regularly raids and confiscates their property. Bahai groups outside the country reported that government authorities increased their harassment and intimidation of the members of the Bahai community during the reporting period. Unknown assailants vandalized cemeteries and holy places, and school authorities denigrated and abused Bahai students in primary and secondary schools in at least 10 cities.

The government continued to imprison and detain Bahais based on their religious beliefs. The government arbitrarily arrested Bahais and charged them with violating Islamic penal code articles 500 and 698, relating to activities against the state and spreading falsehoods, respectively. Often the charges were not dropped upon release, and those with charges pending against them reportedly feared arrest at any time. Most were released only after paying large fines or posting high bails. For some, bail was in the form of deeds of property; others gained their release in exchange for personal guarantees or work licenses.

In January 2010 chief prosecutor of Tehran Abbas Jafari-Dolatabadi publicly stated that the Bahais arrested during the December 2009 demonstrations had played a role in organizing the Ashura riots, and that their arrest was due to sending pictures of the protest abroad. He also claimed that arms and ammunitions were discovered in, and confiscated from, some of their homes.

Since January 1, 2010, at least 50 Bahais have been arbitrarily arrested. At least 14 Bahais were arrested in March in several different cities throughout the country, including Marvdasht, Mashhad, Semnan, Isfahan, Shiraz, Kermanshah, Orumiyeh, Ramsar, and Sari. Approximately 13 Bahais were detained in February 2010, several of whom remained in jail. According to human rights groups, between October 2009 and mid-February 2010, there were 47 new cases of arbitrary detention of Bahais.

At the end of the reporting period, at least 56 Bahais remained in detention because of their religious beliefs. The locations of 18 detainees were unknown, and no trials were scheduled for 13 of those in custody. Pouriya Habibi was arrested on January 27, 2008, but there has been no verdict in his case, and it is unknown whether there has been a trial. The government never formally charged many of the others but released them 

only after they posted bail.

The seven leaders of the Bahai community -- Fariba Kamalabadi, Jamaloddin Khanjani, Afif Naeimi, Behrouz Tavakkoli, Saeid Rezaie, Vahid Tizfahm, and Mahvash Sabet -- remained in detention since their arrests in spring 2008. In February 2009 the judiciary spokesman announced that the seven were accused of "espionage for Israel, insulting religious sanctities, and propaganda against the Islamic Republic." In May 2009 state-run media reported the government also charged them with "spreading corruption on earth," a crime punishable by death. To date, none of the seven leaders has been allowed access to their attorney, Abdolfattah Soltani. On June 16, 2009, security agents arrested Soltani without a warrant and took him to an unknown location. On June 14, 2010, the trial concluded after four hearings, and on June 30 the court issued a 20-year prison sentence for each that was subsequently reduced in September 2010 to 10 years.

According to the Bahai International Community's United Nations Office, Intelligence Ministry officers raided the home of Fakhroddin Samimi on May 31. After searching his home and confiscating personal belongings, including his computer and material related to his religious beliefs, the officers arrested him. He was transferred to the prison in Sari the same day. On June 25, Mr. Samimi was released. No information was available regarding bail.

On December 8 Haleh Rouhi and Sasan Taqva were released from the temporary detention center where they had been held for the duration of their incarceration. Raha Sabet remained imprisoned at the end of the year. The three were among 51 Bahai arrested in 2006 during their involvement in projects in and around the city of Shiraz which focused on teaching literacy and social skills to children.

In January 2009 security forces in Tehran arrested five Bahais and took them to Evin prison. At least one Bahai, a woman from Shiraz named Negin Rezaei, was released from Evin prison by the end of the reporting period.

Pouriya Habibi and Simin Mokhtari, arrested in January 2008 and detained on charges of teaching the Bahai Faith, reportedly remained in Evin prison at the end of the reporting period.

In October 2009 MOIS officers searched the home of Bahai member Ali Bakhsh Bazrafkan, confiscated items linked to his faith, and arrested him. Bazrafkan was a member of the former Bahai administrative group (Khademin) in Yasouj. Bazrafkan received a 30-month prison sentence followed by five years in exile in a remote area in the province of Kohkiloyeh va Boyerahmad.

In October 2009 MOIS officers arrested Behnam Rouhanifard for producing and distributing Bahai music. Two days later authorities summoned his wife to appear at the local MOIS office, where authorities interrogated her for two hours. At the end of the reporting period, Rouhanifard's family had not heard from him since October 2009, when he was permitted to call home; his whereabouts remained unknown.

In September 2009 MOIS officers in Yazd searched the home of Soheil Rouhanifard, brother of Behnam Rouhanifard, and confiscated belongings and materials related to the Bahai faith. The next day Soheil Rouhanifard appeared at the local MOIS office in response to a summons. Authorities interrogated and released him. He was summoned again on October 19 and arrested without charge. At the end of the reporting period, he remained in prison and was not permitted family visits.

The property rights of Bahais were generally disregarded, and they suffered frequent government harassment and persecution. The government raided Bahai homes and businesses and confiscated large numbers of private and commercial properties, as well as religious materials, belonging to Bahais. The government reportedly seized numerous Bahai homes and transferred them to an agency of Supreme Leader Khamene'i. The government also seized private homes in which Bahai youth classes were held, despite the owners' having proper ownership documents. The Bahai community reported that the government's seizure of Bahai personal property and its denial of Bahai access to education and employment was eroding the economic base of the community and threatening its survival.

The government continued to hold many Bahai properties, including cemeteries, holy places, historical sites, and administrative centers, that were seized following the 1979 revolution. Many of the properties have been destroyed. Bahais were generally prevented from burying and honoring their dead in accordance with their religious tradition.

In the past year Bahai cemeteries in various parts of the country, including Tehran, Ghaemshahr, Marvdasht, Semnan, Sari, and Isfahan, were desecrated or defaced. In some cases entrance was blocked to the Bahai community.

In January 2009 municipality officials razed the Bahai cemetery of Ghaemshahr with a bulldozer at night according to witnesses. Observers also reported the official demolition of an entire section of the Tehran cemetery where the government had interred those executed in the early years of the Islamic revolution.

On October 25 and 27 unknown arsonists torched three household furniture repair shops, and on November 15 two household appliance repair shops were set on fire in Rafsanjan after the local newsletter published a section devoted to the economic activities of the Bahai.

There were reports of authorities forcing Bahai businesses to close, placing restrictions on their businesses, and asking managers of private companies to dismiss their Bahai employees.

Government officials reportedly offered Bahais relief from mistreatment in exchange for recanting their religious affiliation, and if incarcerated, recanting their religious affiliation as a precondition for releasing them.

Iranian Shiite Ayatollah Seyed Hossein Kazemeini Boroujerdi, along with 17 of his followers, have been imprisoned for espousing religious views that are incongruent with the official religious views of the government since 2006. He is serving an 11-year prison term and is reportedly in poor health. According to available reports, Boroujerdi is being denied hospitalization despite his serious health condition.

In May 2010 most of the 20 Sufi practitioners arrested in July 2009 in the northeastern city of Gonabad received sentences of flogging or imprisonment. They were among more than 200 Sufi dervishes who gathered to protest the arrest of Hossein Zareya, a local leader. Several dervishes were injured as riot police used force and tear gas to disperse the crowd.

Since July 2009 the government closed or took over several nursing homes, hospitals, and seven libraries administered by the Sufi Gonabadis.

In March 2009 a representative of the Gonabadi Sufi dervishes reported that authorities were holding 41 dervishes in Evin prison for practicing their religion. No updates were available at the end of the reporting period.

In February 2009 authorities razed the house of worship of Gonabadi dervishes at Takht-e-Foulad, in Isfahan, with bulldozers. All Sufis present were arrested and had their mobile phones confiscated. Sufi books and publications were destroyed.

In January 2009 Jamshid Lak, a Sufi of the Gonabadi Dervish order, was flogged 74 times.

In late December 2008, after the closure of a Sufi Muslim place of worship, authorities arrested without charge at least six members of the Gonabadi Dervishes on Kish Island and confiscated their books and computer equipment. Their status was unknown.

In November 2008 Amir Ali Mohammad Labaf of the Gonabadi Sufi order was sentenced to 74 lashes, five years in prison, and internal exile to the town of Babak for "spreading lies."

In October 2008 at least seven Sufi Muslims in Isfahan and five Sufis in Karaj were arrested because of their affiliation with the Gonabadi Sufi order.

Christians, particularly evangelicals, continued to be subject to harassment and close surveillance. During the reporting period, the government enforced its prohibition on proselytizing by closely monitoring the activities of evangelical Christians, discouraging Muslims from entering church premises, closing churches, and arresting Christian converts. Members of evangelical congregations were required to carry membership cards, photocopies of which must be provided to the authorities. Worshippers were subject to identity checks by authorities posted outside congregation centers. The government restricted meetings for evangelical services to Sundays, and church officials were ordered to inform the Ministry of Information and Islamic Guidance before admitting new members. During the reporting period several members of the "protected" Christian groups, such as Armenian Apostolic and Assyrians, were also arrested.

On November 13 following his October 2009 arrest, Youcef Nadarkhani, a pastor of a house church in Gilan, reportedly received a death sentence for apostasy and evangelism. He was being held in Lakan prison, and the case was on appeal at the end of the year.

In June 2010 pastor Behrouz Sadegh-Khandjani of a house church in Shiraz reportedly received a death sentence for apostasy following his arrest on an unknown date.

Between June 2008 and June 2010 over 115 Christians were reportedly arrested on charges of apostasy, illegal activities of evangelism, anti-government propaganda, and activities against Islam, among other charges. In a marked rise in the number of arrests from the previous reporting period, between July and December 2010, 161 additional arrests of Christians were reported. Of those arrested, 33 remain in jail or with an unknown status at the end of the year.

Many arrests took place during police raids on religious gatherings, during which religious property was also confiscated, during the reporting period.

In March 2009 according to domestic human rights groups, a revolutionary court closed the Pentecostal church of Shahr Ara in Tehran which belonged to Assyrian Christians. According to reports, the stated reason for the closure was the "illegal activities" of converting Muslims to Christianity and "accepting converts" to worship as members of the congregation.

On May 23 charges were dropped against two members of the Christian community, Maryam Rostampour and Marzieh Amirizadeh Esmaeilabad, who had been arrested in March 2009. The women have since left the country.

In 2008 plain clothes security officers raided the home of Isfahan Iranian Christians Abbas Amiri and his wife, Sakineh Rahnama, during a meeting. Both Amiri and Rahnama died of injuries suffered during the raid. Authorities denied permission for the local Christian community to hold a memorial service for the couple.

Since his arrest in December 2009 for allegedly participating in Ashura protests, Heshmatollah Tabarzadi remains in solitary confinement in Evin prison. Tabarzadi faces four charges including propaganda against the state, gathering against national security, insulting the Supreme Leader and President, and insulting Islam.

Section III. Status of Societal Actions Affecting Enjoyment of Religious Freedom

There were reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious affiliation, belief, or practice. Although the constitution gives Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians the status of "protected" religious minorities, in practice non-Shia Muslims faced substantial societal discrimination, and government actions continued to support elements of society who create a threatening atmosphere for some religious minorities.

After President Ahmadinejad took office in August 2005, conservative media intensified a campaign against non-Muslim religious minorities, and political and religious leaders issued a continual stream of inflammatory statements. The campaigns against non-Muslims contributed to a significantly worse situation for the non-Muslim community throughout the reporting period.

Sunni Muslims and Christians encountered societal and religious discrimination and harassment at the local, provincial, and national levels.

Bahai graveyards in Abadeh and other cities were desecrated, and the government did not seek to identify or punish the perpetrators.

Throughout 2010 Bahais in several cities across the country were targets of arson attacks; in all cases, police said nothing could be done to find the perpetrators.

Bahai groups outside the country reported vandalism of Bahai cemeteries, the desecration of a body exhumed from a Bahai grave in Abadeh, and attacks against a Bahai cemetery in Najafabad.

There were reported problems for Bahais in different trades around the country. Bahais experienced an escalation of personal harassment, including receiving threatening notes, compact discs, text messages, and tracts. There were reported cases of Bahai children being harassed in school and subjected to Islamic indoctrination. Bahai girls were especially targeted by students and educators, with the intention of creating tension between parents and children.

Assailants set fire to businesses of 9 Bahai storekeepers in Rafsanjan during the reporting period. On December 30 after setting fire, unknown assailants left a letter threatening the Bahai community in Rafsanjan if the Bahai refused to sign the enclosed treaty.

There was serious concern from several religious and human rights groups about the resurgence of the once banned Hojjatiyeh Society, a secretive religious-economic group that was founded in 1953 to rid the country of the Bahai Faith in order to hasten the return of the 12th Imam (the Mahdi). Although not a government organization, it was believed that many members of the administration were Hojjatiyeh members and used their offices to advance the society's goals; however, it was unknown what role, if any, the group played in the arrests of numerous Bahais during the reporting period. Many Bahai human rights groups and news agencies described the goals of the Hojjatiyeh Society as the eradication of the Bahais, not just the Bahai Faith. The group's anti-Bahai orientation reportedly widened to encompass anti-Sunni and anti-Sufi activities as well.

Many Jews sought to limit their contact with or support for the state of Israel out of fear of reprisal. Anti-American and anti-Israeli demonstrations included the denunciation of Jews, as opposed to the past practice of denouncing only "Israel" and "Zionism."

There were reports during the reporting period that members of the Sabean-Mandaean community experienced societal discrimination and pressure to convert to Islam.

Section IV. U.S. Government Policy

Iran was first designated a CPC in 1999 and was most recently redesignated on January 16, 2009. As the action under the IRF Act, the Secretary designated the existing ongoing restrictions on U.S. security assistance in accordance with section 40 of the Arms Export Control Act, pursuant to section 402(c)(5) of the act. The United States has no diplomatic relations with Iran, and thus it does not raise directly with the government the restrictions that the government places on religious freedom and other abuses the government commits against adherents of minority religious groups.

The U.S. government makes its position clear in public statements and reports, support for relevant UN and NGO efforts, and diplomatic initiatives to press for an end to government abuses. The U.S. government calls on other countries that have bilateral relations with Iran to use those ties to press the government on religious freedom and human rights matters.

On numerous occasions the U.S. Department of State spokesman has addressed the situation of the Bahai and Jewish communities in the country. The U.S. government has publicly condemned the treatment of the Bahais in UN resolutions. The U.S. government encourages other governments to make similar statements.

On August 12 the Secretary of State condemned the sentencing of the seven Bahai leaders, emphasizing the lack of due process and sentencing as a violation of Iran's commitments as signatory of the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights.

In December 2010 for the eighth year in a row, the U.S. government cosponsored and supported a successful UN General Assembly resolution -- which passed 78 to 45, with 59 abstentions --condemning Iran's ongoing and severe human rights abuses.

SDGLN: Iran executes three men for sodomy

Editor's note: This report was first published on GayMiddleEast.com.

The Prosecutor General Office of Khuzestan Province, Iran announced in a press conference that three people were hanged at Karoun prison in Ahwaz city, for sodomy on early Sunday, Sept. 4, along with three other men.

Khuzestan/Al-Ahwaz is a mostly Arab province in Iran and has the highest amount of executions in the country.

The two articles that were used in the judgment were: 108 "Lavat is an act of congress [vati] between males whether in [the form of] penetration or of tafkhiz (the rubbing of thighs/of the penis against thighs)” and article 110 stating: ”The hadd [punishment] for lavat where penetration has occurred is death and the method of execution is at the discretion of the Sharia judge".

The state-run Iranian Students News Agency ISNA identified the three as: "M. T.", "T. T." and "M. Ch." (ages not mentioned).

The three other men who were executed committed different crimes. Two committed a robbery at a home of a (straight) couple, where while the husband was tied up his wife was raped. The third for drug trafficking.

According to spokesperson Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam of the Iran Human Rights (IHR), executions only for sodomy are rare. Iranian authorities usually present such cases as rape (in order to legitimise the case for execution). “This of course contradicts the infamous statement of Ahmadinejad that gays do not exist in Iran”, he added in a conversation with GME’s editor.

Mohammad Mustafaei, the famous Iranian Human Rights lawyer (whose more known defense cases were Ashtiani and Ibrahim Hamidi), now exiled in Norway, wrote an open letter to President Ahmadinejad in protest of the execution of the three. He called the execution arbitrary and demanded further clarifications: “Were the cases approved by the Supreme Court and given a hearing as well as permission for execution?” “Were the three represented by lawyers, and what are their names?” are some of the questions he posed.

“Three men under the pretext of being ‘gay’ and committing sodomy were sentenced to death and executed,” he insisted. Mustafaei further highlighted that they may have been tortured by the authorities to confess for the “crime,” which indeed is a very common in Iran. “Mr. President,” he protested, “you have blood on your hands.”

Daniel Brett, director of the Ahwazi Arab Solidarity Network, stressed that:"We do not know the background to the cases, so cannot make a judgment on the trials of those who were executed ... Sometimes these charges are leveled at members of families who are involved in commercial or land disputes with families with a modicum of political influence. Al-Ahwaz has the highest rate of executions in Iran, partly due to the persecution of the local Arab population and partly because prisoners from other parts of Iran are transported to the city, particularly the notorious Karoun Prison where hangings are carried out in secret."

In some cases, there is a dispute whether the accused has actually committed a sexual act or it is a mere accusation. Even in the cases where the same sex act has happened, often it is not clear whether the individuals involved are actually gay or it is an occasional act of fun for them.

Soheila Vahdati, an independent human rights defender based in San Francisco stresses: "The fact that the two genders are strictly segregated and prohibited from socialising together increases the tendency for same-sex acts among the youth." Indeed this happens throughout the Middle East and North Africa.

"Ahmadinejad may have been right claiming that there are no gays in Iran because nobody dares to choose gay lifestyle due to the severe punishments, including the death penalty," Vahdati said. "In our view, it really does not matter whether the people involved are gay, or straight. It does not even matter whether they have committed the same sex act, or it is a mere accusation. The underlying assumption in all cases is that homosexuality is a 'crime' and punishable by law, and this is what we strongly oppose. Sexual rights are human rights and all individuals are entitled to enjoy them with mutual consent and as there is no violence involved. We strongly oppose labeling same sex as a 'crime' as much as we oppose punishing gays."

Opinion

GME completely condemns and rejects capital punishment for LGBT people, or for any other issue: We stand for sexual rights. LGBT sexualities/identities are NOT a crime, and their use as labels for punishment (whether real or as a tool for other means) must end. GME calls upon the Iranian Authorities to strike off articles 108-134 of the Iranian penal codes that pertain to LGBT people as well as end capital punishment. LGBT rights are inseparable part of human rights!

GME has already noted how people are being put to death by the Iranian authorities based on mere false accusations and rumors of rape or attempted rape between men. Is this case signaling and even more brutal policy of the Iranian judiciary? Many executions of LGBT people occur in Iran each year for bringing “shame” and “dishonor” to families and communities(so called honor crimes), often without being reported. Many more suffer from lifelong harassment, blackmail and even rape by agents of the Basij and the Sepha. We call upon the international community to campaign against such horrible practices as punishing people for their sexualities and capital punishment.

Al- Arabiya: Ahwaz refugees await aid in Iraq camp, fear clampdown by Iran allies

By Saud al-Zahed
Al Arabiya

 

The case of Ahwazi refugees fleeing Iran and currently awaiting rescue at the Syrian borders constitutes another chapter in the ongoing saga of the persecution of Arab Iranians whether at the hand of the Persian state or its allies in the region.

Ahwazis living in al-Walid refugee camp on the Iraqi-Syrian borders are caught between pro-Iranian militias, who are bound to persecute them if they try to enter Iraq, and the Syrian regime, which had previously handed Ahwazi refugees over to the Iranian authorities, said Dr. Karim Abdian, director of the Ahwaz Human Rights Organization.

“They are only left with Jordan, yet to go there they still have to pass through the Syrian territories and this is extremely dangerous,” he told Al Arabiya.

Abdian explained that because of lobbying from pro-Iranian groups the Iraqi government decided to demolish the camp and ordered its inmates to leave by the end of September.

“More than 95 Ahwazis belonging to 17 families live in the camp and suffer severe water shortage, lack food, have no access to medical care, and have not received any schooling since 2007.”

Abdian said he is scheduled to hold a meeting at the headquarters and the UNHCR in Geneva and will submit a list of the Ahwazi refugees trapped in al-Walid camp, as well as those living in other Arab countries.

Abdian added that a series of meetings have already taken place in the UNHCR Middle East headquarters, located in the Jordanian capital Amman, as well as in several of the Commission’s offices in Turkey, Syria, and Iraq.

He explained that the organization has since 2007 been working hard to relocate Ahwazi refugees who fled persecution in Iran.

“We managed to send many of them to Europe, the United States, and Australia.”

While searching for countries willing to host the inmates of al-Walid camp, Abdian expressed his disappointment that Arab countries have not intervened to save their brethren.

Despite complaints of indifference on the part of Arab countries, the initiative made by a disabled Bahraini to help the refugees at al-Walid camp is bound to set a positive precedent.

According to the Bahraini website Daily News, former employee Ali Khaja donated during the holy month of Ramadan an amount of $7,000 to the homeless Ahwazis.

“These people are suffering in the desert. They have no food, water or other necessities of life,” he said.

“It's been six years since they have been staying in these dilapidated camps and they haven't got any aid or a ray of hope from any government.”

Khaja said he feels for the refugees who are living in the middle of the desert and are, therefore, subjected to sizzling summers and freezing winters, in addition to continuous sandstorms.

“Even the nearest hospital is 200 kilometers away,” he added.

Al-Walid camp was originally established and inhabited by Palestinians who fled violence-ravaged Baghdad in 2006. They were later joined by Ahwazis from Iran and Kurds from Iraq.

(This article was translated from Arabic by Sonia Farid)

HRW: Iran: Allow Peaceful Protests Over Lake’s Destruction

 

 

 

 

Hundreds Arrested in Azerbaijan Region

September 10, 2011

 

 

(New York) – Iranian authorities should allow peaceful protests against government policies that may be accelerating the drying up of Lake Urmia in Western Azerbaijan province, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities should immediately release people arrested for exercising their right to assemble or speak out against the government. Family members and other witnesses told Human Rights Watch that several hundred protesters and activists have been arrested since late August 2011.

The mass arrests in recent weeks took place in cities throughout Iran’s Azerbaijan region. The arrests are part of a pattern of detentions and threats against environmental and civil society activists who believe Lake Urmia is drying up because of a network of dams that divert water from the lake, and construction and commercial projects in and around the lake. They say declining water levels are increasing salinity and may harm plants and wildlife and cause additional ecological damage, such as by provoking salt storms. Lake Urmia is the largest lake in Iran and the world’s third largest saltwater lake.

“This latest round of arrests shows how intolerant Iranian authorities are toward any form of public criticism,” said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Authorities should free Azerbaijan region residents who appear to have been arrested solely for gathering peacefully, and if there is credible evidence that any of them acted violently, either charge or release them.”

The first round of arrests was on August 24, when security forces raided a private gathering in the home of Sadeq Avazpour in Tabriz, the capital of East Azerbaijan province. The guests had gathered for a ceremony marking eftar, the breaking of the day’s fast during the holy month of Ramadan. The security forces arrested approximately 30 people. Family members said that none of the detainees had been freed.

Azeri activists based both inside and outside Iran told Human Rights Watch that security forces also have arrested activists and demonstrators who had gathered beginning on August 27 in Tabriz, Orumiyeh, Ardebil, and other cities throughout the Azerbaijan region to protest what they consider to be the government’s unwillingness to rescue Lake Urmia. Several thousand demonstrators, some of whom clashed with riot police, attended a large rally in Orumiyeh on August 27. Authorities arrested approximately 300 demonstrators in Orumiyeh alone, local activists told Human Rights Watch, but have since released dozens. Dozens of others were arrested in Tabriz, Orumiyeh, and several other cities on September 3 after local activists called for additional demonstrations.

Among those arrested on August 24, family members said, are Mostafa and Morteza Avazpour, sons of the host who are well known activists in Tabriz and who have been previously arrested for Lake Urmia protests. More than two weeks later, authorities have still provided no details regarding the reasons for the arrests that day or where they are keeping the detainees, several family members told Human Rights Watch.

Mostafa Avazpour’s wife said she had tried to enter her father-in-law’s home several hours after the raid but that security forces had blocked her. She said that around 11:30 p.m., authorities summoned her and several other family members, including her father-in-law, to a police station in Tabriz. The police held them there for two hours. Mostafa Avazpour called the next day only to tell his wife he was doing well but provided no further information.

Family members denied media reports that authorities have released 15 of those arrested at the gathering and said they believe some of the detainees have been transferred to Tabriz’s central prison. The wife of another detainee told Human Rights Watch that she visited the local police and Intelligence Ministry offices in Tabriz several times after the arrest and was told her husband would be released on September 6. When she returned to the police station on that date she was told to come back on September 11. Another family member of a detainee said he had gone to inquire about the status of his brother at least six times but the authorities refused to provide any information. At this writing, according to the family members, none of the detainees had been freed.

The Tabriz gathering took place after Iran’s majlis, or parliament, rejected an emergency bill on August 17 to raise the water level of Lake Urmia by diverting water into it from the Aras River. The vote triggered a call by many Azerbaijani activists for protests on August 27 in Tabriz, Orumiyeh, and other cities in northwest Iran. Azeri activists who spoke to Human Rights Watch said that a large number of security forces were present in Tabriz on that day and that they arrested a few dozen protesters and prevented any gatherings.

In Orumiyeh, thousands of people gathered and chanted slogans like, “Lake Urmia gives life, Majlis orders its death!” and, “Let us cry, so that with our tears we replenish Lake Urmia.” A witness at the protest told Human Rights Watch that anti-riot police shot teargas at protesters and beat them with batons. He and several other activists said that protesters in Orumiyeh were largely peaceful, but that some fought back as the anti-riot police shot teargas and rubber bullets. YouTube videos reviewed by Human Rights Watch indicate that the demonstrations turned violent, with some protesters throwing rocks at riot police and others burning motorcycles used by security forces. Human Rights Watch cannot independently verify the events shown in the videos.

Demonstrations resumed in Tabriz, Orumiyeh, and several other cities on September 3. A witness told Human Rights Watch that at about 6:10 p.m. a crowd of demonstrators in Tabriz started marching toward a government building and chanting slogans to demand action on Lake Urmia. He said that after a while, security forces blocked the crowd’s advance while another group of officers showed up behind the demonstrators and began taunting them. Security forces began lobbing teargas and chasing and clubbing people, the witness said. There were unconfirmed reports of serious injuries caused primarily by security forces using batons.

Another witness to the Tabriz events told Human Rights Watch he saw security forces attack demonstrators with electric batons and teargas.

“They were beating up everybody, even women and children,” he said. “[I saw] a young man just crossing the street – he wasn’t even among the demonstrators. Seven security forces attacked him and started beating him up so badly that a group of women from the crowd went to rescue the guy. We [men] couldn’t do that; the [police officers] wouldn’t let us move.”

The Association for the Defense of Azerbaijani Political Prisoners in Iran, based in Vancouver, Canada, told Human Rights Watch that it received reports indicating that security forces used live ammunition during some of the protests and that they killed a handful of protesters during the August 27 and September 3 protests. Human Rights Watch has not been able to confirm any deaths or the identities of those killed.

Reports also indicate that security forces have arrested a handful of other protesters in Ardebil, Maragheh, and other cities in northwestern Iran since late August. Among them is Vahid Faezpour, a well known blogger and student activist who graduated from Tabriz University and is believed by his family and others to have been arrested in connection with the Lake Urmia protests. Human Rights Watch spoke to a family member, who said that Faezpour was arrested by Intelligence Ministry forces in Ardebil on August 28. The relative said he had no information about the reason for Faezpour’s arrest or where he is being held.

Authorities and pro-government newspapers have for years rejected government responsibility for the drying up of the lake, and have instead contended that global warming and other uncontrollable environmental factors are at play.

On September 5 authorities announced they would dedicate 950 billion toman (US$95 million) to divert water from rivers to rehabilitate Lake Urmia. Local activists have largely dismissed the measure as a disingenuous face-saving measure, and there are reports that more demonstrations have been planned.

In April, security forces arrested dozens of protesters who had gathered at Lake Urmia carrying signs and chanting slogans in Azeri calling for authorities to save the lake. Government authorities maintain that the anti-government protests in Iranian Azerbaijan were unlawful despite article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified by Iran, which guarantees the right to peaceful assembly. Article 27 of the Iranian constitution guarantees the right to protest as long as demonstrations are peaceful and do not violate the principles of Islam.

On September 6 the deputy governor of Western Azerbaijan province, Ebrahim Fatollahi, told reporters that authorities are willing to issue a permit to demonstrators seeking to draw attention to the plight of the lake, but that protesters had failed to submit an official request. Human Rights Watch does not know whether demonstrators in Tabriz, Orumiyeh, and the other large cities had applied for permits. But to Human Rights Watch’s knowledge, authorities have not approved any anti-government demonstrations during the last few years.

 

“Time and again Iranian authorities have shown, both in Iranian Azerbaijan and elsewhere, that they are unwilling to tolerate any anti-government protests,” Stork said. “Instead of criticizing protesters for not getting proper permission for previous protests, authorities should free all those arrested for demonstrating peacefully and allow them to participate in future protests.”

IMHRO attended the Times Newspaper event regard of Human Rights in Iran

“Imprisoned in Iran” an event organised by the Times Newspaper regard of follow up of Sakineh Ashtiani a Turkish minority woman in Iran who sentenced to stoning, was a chance to talk about human rights in Iran.

The event opened by the remarks of UK foreign secretary, who clearly showed that UK government taking Human Rights in Iran very important. He also draws a line between Iran’s nuclear case and Human Rights: “I want to be clear. Human Rights sanctions on Iran are separate to the nuclear issue. Human rights sanctions will be lifted as and when Iran improves its human rights record, and if it does not, they should be increased”

The events were well attended by various Human Rights organisations, activist, NGO’s, journalists and gave a good chance to exchange views on current situation of Human Rights in Iran.

IMHRO thanks the Times Newspaper for organising very successful events and hopes such events would continue. 

 

Foreign Secretary speaks at 'Imprisoned in Iran' event

euronews: Iran police break up environmental protests

RFE/RL: EU Condemns Persecution Of Baha'i Community in Iran

 

 

 

 

 

 

September 06, 2011 

 

EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton has condemned the persecution of the Baha'i community in Iran.

In a statement issued, Ashton expressed "serious concerns about the recent wave of arrests of Baha'i citizens and the shutting down of an educational center of the Baha'i community in Iran."

The appeal calls on Iran "to refrain from all forms of discrimination against religious minorities."

Iran has recently declared illegal the Baha'i Institute for Higher Education (BIHE), which makes use of the volunteer services of dismissed professors to teach Baha'i youth. Some 14 Baha'is who worked at the BIHE were taken into custody in Tehran, Karaj, Shiraz, and Esfahan in May.

The BIHE was established unofficially in 1987 to provide higher education for young Baha'is barred from universities because of their religious beliefs.

The Iranian government claims that the Baha'i Faith is not a religion but a political organization, and hence refuses to recognize it as a minority religion.

the gurdian: Human rights group condemns jailing of US hikers in Iran

The conviction of two Americans held in Iran for spying and illegally crossing the border has been condemned by a human rights group.

Amnesty International said the eight-year jail sentences for Shane Bauer and Josh Fattal, both 29, made a "mockery of justice" and were designed to be used as "a bargaining chip to allow Iran to obtain unspecified concessions from the US government".

A court sentenced the two men to three years each for illegally entering Iran and further five years each for espionage, it emerged over the weekend.

"The conduct of this trial has quite simply made a mockery of justice. There does not appear to be any substance to the allegations that Shane Bauer and Josh Fattal are spies," said Malcolm Smart, Amnesty's Middle East director.

He described the trial as "deeply flawed" and said there was no evidence known to have been presented to suggest the pair were conducting espionage in Iran.
"They have already spent over two years waiting for justice. The Iranian authorities should take act now and release these two men now without further delay," added Smart.
Iranian security forces arrested Bauer and Fattal, along with their friend Sarah Shourd, in July 2009, after they walked across an unmarked border between Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan. Their conviction came as a surprise to their families, who were expecting them to be released. Shourd, 33, who got engaged to Bauer while in jail, was released last September on health grounds and after paying $500,000 (£324,000) bail.
Supporters of the three Americans say they unwittingly crossed the unmarked border while hiking but Iran accused them of spying. It is unclear whether the three were captured in Iranian territory or whether Iranian forces went into Iraq to arrest them.
After their trials ended last month behind closed doors, officials from Iran's foreign ministry signalled that the two would be freed on the eve of Ramadan.
The contrast between the trial's outcome and official promises highlights a growing rift between the judiciary, whose head is appointed by Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's government. Some analysts believe Shourd was released after an intervention from the president's chief of staff, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei.

The long sentences given to Bauer and Fattal can also be interpreted as a tit-for-tat response to the US state department's assessment, announced last week, that Iran remained the world's top state sponsor of terrorism.
In reaction to the handling of the trial, some conservative websites sympathetic to the regime in Tehran have mentioned the case of Shahrzad Mir Gholikhan, an Iranian woman in jail in the US on charges of attempting to smuggle night-vision goggles to Iran, which suggests that Iranian officials might be pursuing her release in exchange for those of the Americans.

According to Iran's Irna state news, the intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi, said on Sunday that Bauer and Fattal "entered the country with prior planning of spying".
The lawyer for the two men, Masoud Shafiee, told an Iranian radio station that spying charges against his clients were "baseless" and that he would lodge appeals against the sentences.

Euronews: Dozens arrested in Iran over lake protest

More than two dozen ethnic Azeris have been arrested after environmental protests in north-western Iran. It comes after protests in the city of Tabriz over what is claimed to be Tehran’s failure to take measures to save nearby Lake Oroumieh.

With a surface area of more than 5,000 kilometres, is the third largest saltwater lake in the world and home to an abundance of wildlife. It lies between the country’s provinces of East and West Azerbaijan.

But 60 percent of the lake has evaporated, leaving behind 10 million tonnes of salt. It is said to be a result of drought and poor management policies, but there is disagreement over who exactly bears responsibility – locals, or the Iranian authorities.

Local businesses are dependant on tourism – and this is also draining away.

Iran: further arrests of Christians and Bibles confiscated

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW) has received reports that Abdolreza ‘Matthias’ Haghnejad, a pastor in the evangelical Church of Iran denomination from the city of Bandar Anzal, was re-arrested on the morning of 17 August by Iranian authorities in Rasht whilst making a pastoral visit.

Pastor Haghnejad’s family has no idea of his current whereabouts, his condition or the charges against him, and it is believed he is being held without access to an attorney. Earlier this year the pastor was detained, charged then acquitted, along with ten other members of his denomination, of activities against the order. He had also been arrested in 2006.

Pastor Haghnejad’s re-arrest has occurred amidst reports of another escalation in governmental pressure on Christians. In late July a Christian woman named Leila Mohammadi, was arrested in Tehran after police raided her house, according to Iranian news agency Mohabat News. Reports indicate she may have been transferred to Evin prison. A man was also reportedly detained temporarily in connection with this case.

In August a consignment of 6,500 Bibles was confiscated as it was being transported between the cities of Zanjan and Ahbar in the north-western province of Zanjan. In a comment on the seizure, Dr Majid Abhari, advisor to the social issues committee of the Iranian parliament, declared that Christian missionaries were attempting to deceive people, especially the youth, with an expensive propaganda campaign. He also indicated his belief that all religions are strengthening their power to confront Islam.

This rhetoric is the latest in a stream of condemnations of Christians from members of the Iranian regime, who have attempted to demonise Christians as western-backed conspirators, ‘parasites’ and ‘like the Taliban’.

CSW’s Advocacy Director Andrew Johnston said, “These latest arrests are extremely concerning, as is the increase in hostile and unwarranted rhetoric on the part of Iranian officials against evangelical Christians. CSW is particularly concerned for the wellbeing of Pastor Haghnejad, who is seemingly being held incommunicado, without charge, and with no access to legal representation. It is vital that the Republic of Iran ensures due process and ends this practice of incarcerating persons simply on the basis of their faith as this is in clear violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Those who, like the pastor, have been arrested must either be charged and tried in a timely manner or released, and all detainees must be allowed contact with their families and lawyers.”